WESTERN PERSPECTIVE

Zelenskiy calls on allies 'not to hide', respond to North Korean involvement in war

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy called on allies on Tuesday "not to hide" and to respond to evidence of North Korean involvement in Russia's war in Ukraine.

He said in his nightly address that Ukraine had information about the preparation of two units - possibly up to 12,000 North Korean troops - to take part in the war alongside Russian forces.

"This is a challenge, but we know how to respond to this challenge. It is important that partners do not hide from this challenge as well," Zelenskiy said.

The head of Ukraine's Main Directorate of Intelligence told the U.S. publication "The War Zone" that Kyiv expected North Korean forces to turn up on Wednesday in Russia's southern Kursk region, where Ukrainian forces launched an incursion in August.

"We are waiting for the first units tomorrow in the Kursk direction, Lieutenant General Kyrylo Budanov told the media outlet. "It is unclear at the moment how many or how they will be equipped. We will see after a couple of days."

In his remarks, Zelenskiy said neither North Korea nor Russia took any account of the number of dead in a conflict.

"But all of us in the world have an equal interest in ending the war, not in prolonging it. We must therefore stop Russia and its accomplices," he said.

"If North Korea can intervene in a war in Europe, then the pressure on this regime is definitely insufficient."

British Defence Secretary John Healey said on Tuesday it was "highly likely" that North Korea had begun sending hundreds of troops to help Russia in the more than 2-1/2-year-old conflict.

A senior official at South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol's office said Seoul may consider directly supplying weapons to Ukraine as part of measures to counter military ties between North Korea and Russia.

A top U.S. diplomat said on Monday that Washington was consulting with its allies on the implications of North Korean involvement and added that such a development would be a "dangerous and highly concerning development" if true.

NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte said on Monday the dispatch of North Korean troops would significantly escalate the conflict.

RUSSIAN PERSPECTIVE

Ukrainian troops increasingly refusing orders – El Pais

Ukrainian servicemen are increasingly refusing to follow orders and fleeing their positions, accusing their leadership of assigning them suicide missions, the Spanish newspaper El Pais reported on Monday, citing several Ukrainian officers. 

The outlet claimed that soldiers from four brigades fighting near the besieged settlement of Kurakhovo in Russia’s Donetsk People’s Republic have claimed that “the future of the war is bleak for their interests because there are not enough replacements.”   

“Why are we retreating? Because we have no rotations, we don’t rest, we are demoralized,” one officer told the outlet, adding that there is a growing problem of Ukrainian soldiers fleeing their positions.  

“I had a friend, we called him England. He fought the entire war on the front line, in Robotino, Soledar, Kherson... He was exhausted, he couldn’t take it anymore and the commanders didn’t give him a break. A few days ago he left, just like that,” the officer said.  

A Ukrainian sergeant who goes by Churbanov also told the Spanish outlet that the shortage of soldiers had become the biggest problem facing the Ukrainian military, noting that servicemen often have to spend three months in their positions without rest or rotation.  

Another serviceman, identified as Alexander, who serves in the Territorial Defense Forces (TRO), also told El Pais that at one point the 116th TRO brigade near Kurakhovo staged a mass rebellion and refused to follow orders. After that, the whole brigade was supposedly transferred to Sumy Region, from where Kiev launched its incursion into Russia’s Kursk Region, according to the officer. 

A source within Russia’s security services has also confirmed to the TASS news agency that Ukraine’s 116th TRO brigade had indeed been transferred to participate in the Kursk incursion as punishment for its mutiny. According to a source cited by the outlet, Kiev was trying to “somehow correct the situation in Kursk Region at the expense of the already demoralized Ukrainian Armed Forces soldiers.” 

Alexander also told El Pais that there had been a high-profile case earlier this month where 100 soldiers of the 123rd TRO Brigade abandoned their positions near Ugledar several days before the city was captured by Russian forces. The officer explained that they did this to “announce that without sufficient training and weapons they were being assigned to a suicidal defense,” according to El Pais.  

Moscow has long characterized the hostilities in Ukraine as a US-initiated proxy war against Russia in which Ukrainian soldiers were being expended as “cannon fodder” with the complicity of their government.

Reuters/RT

Introduction

According to the Cambridge Dictionary (2024), a biopic is “a film about the life of a real person”. Abreu (2024) points out that “The most obvious way a biopic differentiates itself is in how accurate it is to the subject’s history” (StudioBinder). However, to know how truthful a biopic is to history is to discuss its historical representation concerning the history of its subject and the period in which the subject lived or is living.

An analysis of the historical representation in Lisabi: The Uprisingexamines how the film, as a biopic, accurately depicts the history of Lisabi, who liberated the Egba in Egba Forest between 1775 and 1780 from the hegemony of the Oyo when Alaafin Abiodun was the Oloyo ruling over the Old Oyo Empire. This analysis scrutinizes the historical accuracy and creative liberties taken in the film. Recognizing that historical films often prioritize drama over strict fidelity, this discussion probes the narrative motivations behind these artistic choices. 

Aspects of Historical Authenticity in the Film

Eric Johnson (2023) asserts that “Historical film accuracy plays a pivotal role in preserving cultural heritage, educating audiences, and enhancing the overall viewing experience of movies based on true stories” (The Film Fund Blog). Lisabi: The Uprising also preserves Yoruba cultural heritage, educates the audience, and enhances the viewing experience through the authentic portrayal of history.   

The Preservation of Cultural Heritage

According to Eric Johnson (2023), “By accurately portraying historical events, clothing, customs, and traditions, these films [historical films] become a valuable resource for preserving cultural heritage” (The Film Fund). The film portrays a palace garden, akodi, of Yoruba kings in ancient times. Although the impluvium in the akodi is not for bathing, the presentation of the akodi is one of the ways of preserving the royal custom of having royal impluviums in Oba’s palaces. According to Cosmicyoruba, the impluviums among the Yoruba in the past were used to collect and store rainwater (Cosmicyoruba).

Historical Education

Lisabi: The Uprising is a biopic that educates its audience through its authentic cinematic portrayal of home décor among the Yoruba in connection with the palace door of the Oloyo/Alaafin in the film. From the historical angle, Clapperton (1826) notes that in Oyo, “…they have a great deal of carving on their doors and the posts supporting the verandahs…” (Academia). The accurate depiction of the palace door on the silver screen, Lisabi: The Uprising, breathes life into the pages of history books, providing a unique educational experience for its audience.

Elevating the Cinematic Experience

Eric Johnson (2023) argues that attention to historical details creates an immersive experience, enhancing the cinematic experience emotionally and entertainment-wise (The Film Fund). The Ilaris' distinctive hairstyle in the film is historically accurate; it gives the audience a pleasing experience in connection with the hairstyle of the Yoruba in ancient times. The hairstyle is accurate historically, according to the description by Johnson (1956), they shaved their heads, except for a circular patch at the occiput, where hair was grown long, braided, and occasionally dyed black with indigo (History of the Yorubas).

Inaccurate Portrayal of History in the Movie

It is now germane to focus on the historical wrongness in the film. Chiara Torrisi (2023) notes that “It would be great if every work of fiction set in the past had impeccable historical reconstruction, without the slightest hint of errors or inaccuracies. However, this is impossible” (Storia tra le Pagine). However, most of the historical errors in Lisabi: The Uprising are anachronisms; Cambridge Dictionary (2024) defines it as “a person, thing, or idea that exists out of its time in history, especially one that happened or existed later than the period being shown, discussed” (Cambridge Dictionary). The focus will now be on a few of the identified anachronisms.   

Feminist Diegetic Anachronism

Samuel Johnson (1956), in the History of the Yorubas,explains that the councilors of the Alaafin, the Oyo Mesi, were seven noblemen. In the film, a woman is seated among the Oyo Mesi in the palace of the Oloyo when the Olodan (Femi Adebayo) is before the Oloyo/Alaafin (Odunlade Adekola). This is a feminist anachronism; it is used intentionally in the film to distort historical facts, as the film challenges traditional gender norms, presenting women as equal participants in political decision-making.

Topographic Anachronisms

The film's opening topographic map aesthetically sets the stage but historically missteps by incorporating Ijaye and Sodeke townships anachronistically. Oba Nofiu Otun-bade (2021)    points out that the Ijaye people became part of the Egba in Abeokuta after 1830.  (Global News Nigeria). According to Irehoaitonow (2024), Iporo was the name of the Egba township where Sodeke was born in Egba Forest, not Sodeke or Iporo Sodeke (Iband Magazine). This historical anachronism may be due to excessive reliance on AI-assisted historical research.

Normalized Anachronisms  

According to Tom Cole (Wikipedia, 2024), repeated historical inaccuracies can become deeply ingrained in popular culture (Wikipedia). The film's depiction of Oyo's gate without shrines exemplifies this phenomenon, contradicting Hugh Clapperton's account (1826) describing fetish houses outside and inside the gate (Academia).

Fashion Anachronism

The film's historical authenticity is compromised by fashion anachronisms in warrior costuming. Oluwadara Fakunle (2022) describes the pants of a Yoruba warrior in the past, the kafo, as “…tight-legged pants that reach the ankle” (Ihafa: A Journal of African Studies 13: 1 June 2022, 132-156) Many of the warriors in the film do not wear the kafo; this inaccuracy may stem from production cost constraints or artistic license.

Anachronistic Revisionism

Wikipedia (2024) defines historical revisionism as reinterpreting past events, questioning traditional scholarly views, and offering fresh insights through revised analyses (Wikipedia). One of the fresh insights into the history of Lisabi in the film is that the Alake (Muyiwa Ademola) prohibits Lisabi and his friends from practicing Egbe Aro (Traditional Mutual Aid Society). This creative choice deviates from established historical accounts, distorting Egba's collective memory and raising questions about historical accuracy.

Out-of-Era Royal Bathing Ceremony

The Oloyo/Alaafin's (Odunlade) bath in an impluvium is historically inaccurate. They did not use impluviums for bathing but for collecting rainwater among the Yoruba in ancient times (Cosmicyoruba). The cinematic representation misrepresents Yoruba ancient customs; it presents the impluvium in an akodi as a Roman bathing pool. This scene compromises historical authenticity, favoring visual appeal over accuracy.

Slang/ Language Anachronism

The use of Asake's slang, "Wọn ti ge Aṣakẹ l'eti lọ" (They have cut off Asake’s ear) is a deliberate, humorous anachronism. Unfortunately, the film's overall language accuracy suffers due to casting mistakes, resulting in actors speaking a corrupted, modern Egba dialect. The corrupt Egba dialect distracts the native speakers and also misrepresents Egba culture.

Song Anachronism

By incorporating the 1922 Egba Anthem, the filmmakers strategically blend the historical narrative with modern cultural resonance, leveraging the anthem's familiarity and emotional significance to engage contemporary viewers. The film also uses a modern instrument, probably a piano, to play a dirge, "Agbe tori omo re daro, Aluko tori omo re kosun" (Agbe mourns its child, Aluko mourns its child), after the death of Osokenu (Adebowale Adedayo) is a deliberate anachronism. This creative choice prioritizes modern audience engagement over historical authenticity, substituting traditional Egba igbala dirge with a more relatable and familiar sound.   

War Anachronism

The film's depiction of how Sangodeyi (Ibrahim Chatta) died by sickle is anachronistic, as sickles were not typical war weapons among the Yoruba, specifically the Egba. However, using a locally forged Egba sickle rather than a European-manufactured one would have maintained historical authenticity.

The use of the sickle in killing the head of the Ilaris holds profound symbolic significance. Drawing from Hesiod's Theogony, as interpreted by Margaret Wack (2024), the sickle represents a “…violent succession of power, as well as a link to the natural world and the cycles of life, death, and regeneration” (Check LitCharts).

Cultural Anachronism

The film's depiction of Lisabi as a modern Egba man without tribal marks inaccurately represents Yoruba tradition in the past. Oyeronke Afolabi(2022) notes that “This ancient tradition bears immense cultural significance, serving multifaceted purposes encompassing identification, healing, and beautification” (ResearchGate). If one puts the tribal marks into consideration, Lisabi in the film is not an Egba man. Additionally, the presentation of the Alake as an informal, "under-the-tree" oba contradicts historical records. Tolu Ogunlesi (2019) points out that in 1903, the Oni of Ife recognized the Alaafin and Alake among 21 Yoruba kings eligible to wear beaded crowns (X). Production costs may have driven the film's decision to exclude the Alake's palace, inadvertently diminishing his historical status and majesty.

Conclusion

Lisabi: The Uprising is not an outlier in altering history; Nathan Sharp notes that even iconic films like Titanic contain inaccuracies (WatchMojo). While some creative liberties are unavoidable in biopics, filmmakers can draw lessons from Lisabi: The Uprising. Recognizing the impact of historical distortions on cultural identity and collective memory, filmmakers should balance artistic expression with historical authenticity. By doing so, they can enrich, rather than erase, cultural legacies.

** Yinka Kareem, dramatist and historian, writes from Abeokuta, Ogun State, Nigeria.

Seth Godin

The world is shifting faster than ever before. In an age of constant change, disruption, and uncertainty, the traditional ways of approaching strategy are no longer enough. You can’t rely on a static plan designed to meet yesterday’s challenges. Instead, strategy must be dynamic, adaptive, and—most importantly—resilient. The ability to embrace and thrive on change is what sets apart businesses and leaders who succeed from those who merely survive.

Today’s strategy isn’t about having a perfect, foolproof roadmap. It’s about making better decisions in real time, about knowing where you’re headed even when you’re not sure of the exact path. In this fast-moving environment, a successful strategy acts less like a map and more like a compass—guiding you in the right direction even as the terrain around you shifts.

Truth first: Building a strategy on reality

It all begins with understanding the truth of where you stand. Not the version of the truth that’s been polished for a presentation or made comfortable to hear, but the unvarnished, often uncomfortable reality of your situation. What are your actual constraints? What are the shifts happening in your market or industry that you may have overlooked? What truths are you avoiding because they make you uneasy?

The first step in crafting a strategy is recognizing that you can’t move forward if you’re not starting from where you truly are. This requires honesty, not only with yourself but also with your team. Sometimes, it requires seeing beyond what you want to be true and facing the things you’d rather not admit. The more clearly you see the reality of the situation, the better equipped you’ll be to make smart decisions that push you toward your goals.

This kind of truth-telling forms the foundation of a resilient strategybecause it enables you to respond to what’s really happening, not what you wish were happening.

The power of small shifts

Once we understand the truth, we can identify the leverage points—the small but critical changes that can shift everything. Real, systemic change doesn’t always come from sweeping initiatives or grandiose visions. More often than not, it begins with small shifts that build momentum over time.

Take Amazon, for example. Jeff Bezos didn’t set out to disrupt the retail world overnight. He started with a simple but powerful idea: selling books online. This was the leverage point, the small shift that set the stage for a much larger transformation. By focusing on a single category, Amazon was able to build the infrastructure, expertise, and customer base that eventually made it possible to sell, well, everything.

The lesson here is that you don’t need to overhaul your entire business overnight. Instead, look for the small changes you can make today that will have a ripple effect, creating new opportunities and opening up new possibilities. These small shifts, when executed thoughtfully, can lead to big transformations down the road.

Choosing your competition (and your future)

Many businesses get stuck because they spend too much time trying to beat their competitors at their own game. The truth is, you don’t have to compete on the same terms as everyone else. You get to choose your competition, and by doing so, you shape your future.

Think about Apple in the early 2000s. Instead of trying to outcompete Microsoft in the personal computer market, they shifted the game entirely by focusing on mobile devices. The iPod, and later the iPhone, allowed Apple to bypass the competition and create an entirely new category. By choosing their competition wisely, they set themselves up for long-term success.

You get to decide what game you’re playing. Are you going to fight for scraps in a crowded market, or are you going to create something new that sets you apart? The future of your business depends on this choice.

Avoiding the race to the bottom

One of the most dangerous traps businesses fall into is commoditization. When you compete on price, you’re racing to the bottom. And the problem with racing to the bottom is that you might win.

When businesses treat their products or services as interchangeable commodities, they undermine the very thing that makes them valuable. They lose the opportunity to differentiate themselves, to create something unique and irreplaceable.

The most resilient strategies focus on differentiation, not commoditization. Companies like Apple, Nike, and Tesla succeed not because they offer the cheapest products but because they’ve built brands and experiences that are worth paying more for. These companies have avoided the race to the bottom by focusing on creating value that transcends price.

In a world where price competition is fierce, your best defense is to create something so valuable that people are willing to pay more for it. Resilience comes from creating products and services that can’t easily be copied or undercut.

Embracing change, not fighting it

The only constant in today’s business environment is change. The businesses that succeed are those that embrace change rather than resist it. They understand that the world is evolving faster than ever, and they adapt their strategies accordingly.

But embracing change doesn’t mean abandoning your core values or principles. It means being willing to let go of old assumptions and approaches that no longer serve you. It means being willing to experiment, fail, and iterate until you find the right path forward.

Consider the story of Netflix. In its early days, Netflix was a DVD rental service competing with Blockbuster. But when the market began to shift toward digital streaming, Netflix didn’t cling to its old business model. Instead, it embraced the change, pivoting to become the dominant player in streaming content. By letting go of the past and embracing the future, Netflix not only survived but thrived.

The strategy of resilience

At its core, strategy is about making smart, thoughtful choices in the face of uncertainty. It’s about crafting a plan that can withstand the unexpected, that allows you to pivot when necessary and capitalize on new opportunities as they arise.

Resilient strategies are built on truth, small shifts, and a willingness to embrace change. They avoid the traps of commoditization and short-term thinking, focusing instead on long-term value creation and differentiation.

If you want your business to succeed in today’s fast-changing world, you need a strategy that isn’t rigid or fixed. You need a strategy that evolves with you, that helps you navigate uncertainty with confidence, and that sets you up for lasting success.

Forbes

In the land of renewed hope, it appears that Nigeria is hurtling back in time—way back. Thanks to the brilliant economic policies crafted under the watchful eye of our dear President Bola Tinubu, Nigerians can now boast of a dental renaissance! Yes, the humble chewing stick has returned to save the day, as the soaring cost of toothpaste—now the exclusive preserve of oligarchs and business magnates—has sent ordinary citizens scrambling for nature’s toothbrush.

The genius behind Tinubu’s economic overhaul is undeniable. Remove fuel subsidies? Check. Float the Naira into a free fall? Check. Throw in inflation so rampant that toothpaste now costs as much as a month’s salary? Absolutely! But Nigerians, ever resilient, have found their way back to the trees. And why not? After all, the chewing stick has been celebrated for centuries. Who needs fluoride, when you can strip bark from the nearest medicinal tree?

One of the many benefits of this forced return to traditional dental hygiene is the fortification of our molars—because let’s face it, they’ll need to be stronger than ever. With the price of meat now as inaccessible as the president himself, Nigerians will need their newfound, chewing-stick-strengthened teeth to literally crunch bones at mealtime. Why pay for beef when you can savor the chewy satisfaction of grinding a cow’s femur into submission? At this rate, Nigerians will soon evolve into omnivorous titans, capable of turning a bone into a delicacy.

But wait, there’s more! The local rice, notorious for being peppered with enough stones to start a quarry, will no longer be a problem. Thanks to the wondrous chewing stick, Nigerians’ jaws will soon be mighty enough to grind pebbles into sand. No need to worry about the occasional chipped tooth—after all, with dentists charging enough to make you contemplate full-body anesthesia, who needs them?

And in case you thought this dental transformation was limited to dietary changes, think again. With bandits and kidnappers roaming the streets, our leaders have failed spectacularly at protecting the lives of everyday Nigerians. But fear not! In the true spirit of “do it yourself,” the strength imparted by these chewing sticks may soon turn teeth into the ultimate self-defense tool. Yes, thanks to the absence of functional security, Nigerians may soon be able to literally bite back. If kidnappers try to drag you into the bush, just sink your chewing-stick-enhanced chompers into their arms. Who needs a functioning police force when your teeth can double as a weapon?

And let’s not forget the nation’s overburdened dentists. Charging exorbitant fees to treat mere toothaches, these professionals have long been out of reach for the common man. But not anymore! The chewing stick promises to end the tyranny of high dental fees by making teeth so strong that common ailments like tooth decay and cavities become distant memories. Why spend your hard-earned cash on dental appointments when a stick plucked from your backyard can solve all your problems?

This resurgence of chewing sticks is truly a testament to the Tinubu administration’s vision of a self-reliant nation. Why bother with modern conveniences like affordable healthcare, safe streets, or a stable economy when you can return to the good old days of bark-chewing and stone-grinding? It’s not that Nigeria is falling apart; it’s simply that we’re evolving—into a nation where resilience is all we can afford, and chewing sticks are the new toothpaste.

So, a round of applause for the economic architects of our time. Who knew that the road to national prosperity was paved with hardship, galloping inflation, and a return to pre-civilization dental care? Remember, fellow Nigerians: When life gives you economic hardship, follow the First Lady’s advice: make chewing sticks a part of your backyard farming. Your teeth might be the only thing getting stronger in these trying times.

Let’s raise our chewing sticks in salute, and savor the flavor of progress—bark, stones, and all!

From November 1, 2024, a one-way flight ticket from Lagos to Abuja on Air Peace is to hit N200,000.

The harsh economy has been affecting the aviation business causing airlines to increase their fares amid lamentations from passengers.

This development has forced some Nigerians to abandon flights for road transport.

Checks by our correspondent on the airfares of airlines on Monday showed that Air Peace increased its fares to N200,000 from November, the highest among the domestic airlines.

While Air Peace has N200,000 and above on its website for a one-way trip between Lagos and Abuja, Aero is charging N94,000 to over N109,000; Arik Air has between N104,405 to N139,292; and Ibom Air ranges between N124,000 to over N133,000.

The high airfares have left many passengers stranded at airports in recent times, as they could not secure flights to their destinations.

The busiest routes, Lagos-Abuja and Abuja-Lagos, are more impacted as many passengers find it tough to secure seats.

An official of Air Peace who does not want her name in print confirmed the development, tying the increment to Nigeria’s worsening economic challenges.

“If you buy a ticket and see the breakdown, you will discover that we are bleeding as an aviation company and even the prices of running the business are almost getting out of control.

“Just as we all know, all these killing taxes go to the government, and businesses especially airlines have been left with no choice than to do this. It is what it is.”

Also, efforts to get the Chief Operating Officer of the company, Toyin Olajide, were unfruitful as she ignored both calls and text messages of enquiry put across to her phone.

A businessman, Adeleke Aina, who told our correspondent that he has been travelling by air for years added that with the rates at which “airfares are skyrocketing by the day without any clear explanation other than economy this, economy that, I will be left with no other option than take road transport as my new means of movement.

“This is killing everything, fuel has turned into what it is and the Federal government seems unconcerned with this abnormality. I fear for this country.”

Punch

The federal government has blocked Shell's sale of its entire onshore and shallow-water oil operations, but approved a similar deal by Exxon Mobil, the upstream oil regulator said on Monday.

Shell's asset sale for up to $2.4 billion to Renaissance consortium, comprising five companies, was first announced in January. Exxon's deal with Seplat Energy has awaited regulatory approval for more than two years since a $1.28 billion fee was announced in February 2022.

In a speech at an event in the capital Abuja, Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) CEO Gbenga Komolafe said the Shell deal "could not scale (the) regulatory test," but did not elaborate. Exxon's transaction was granted ministerial approval.

President Bola Tinubu had signalled on Oct. 1 that the Exxon-Seplat deal would receive ministerial approval in a matter of days after getting clearance from the regulator.

"We welcome the regulator’s announcement and look forward to formally receiving the ministerial consent as we work toward the conclusion of the sale," Exxon said in a statement.

A Shell spokesperson did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The rejection is a blow to Shell's strategy to pivot toward deepwater for future investments and reflects the growing challenges that oil companies face in Nigeria.

Oil majors operating in Nigeria, Africa's largest oil exporter, have been retreating from onshore operations hampered by theft and sabotage, opting to focus future investments on newer and more lucrative deep offshore fields.

The Shell assets hold a combined estimated volume of 6.73 billion barrels of oil and condensate and 56.27 trillion cubic feet of associated and non-associated gas.

Under Exxon's deal, Seplat will own 40% of four oil mining leases and associated infrastructure, including the Qua Iboe export terminal, and 51% of the Bonny River natural gas liquids recovery plant previously owned by Mobil Producing Nigeria Unlimited, Exxon's local unit.

In trying to exit the oil-rich Niger Delta, Shell follows Exxon Mobil, TotalEnergies and Eni who wanted to do so due to security concerns.

NUPRC approved the sale of onshore assets by Eni's local unit to Oando in July and another from Equinor to new entrant Project Odinmim.

Environmental activists and some communities opposed the Shell-Renaissance deal, tying Shell to a string of lawsuits for environmental restoration and compensation for land and rivers damaged by oil spills.

In April, NUPRC started evaluating Shell's divestment to the consortium, which comprises four Nigerian exploration and production companies and an international energy group.

Reuters

Due to the scarcity of foreign exchange (FX), hike in tariffs, increase in import duty, and other related taxes, automobile dealers have lamented their inability to import fairly used cars into the country.

This is even as they have now resorted to recycling Nigerian used cars, while others have abandoned the automobile business entirely.

Speaking with The Guardian, the President of the Association of Motor Dealers of Nigeria (AMDON), Ajibola Adedoyin, said the hike in taxes, fuel, and tariffs has affected the importation of cars into Nigeria.

Meanwhile, Nigeria’s import bills on used vehicles, popularly known as tokunbo, fell by 83 per cent year-on-year to N138.62 billion in the first half of the year, from N819.15 billion in H1 2023.

Quarter-on-quarter, a breakdown from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) for the review period showed that in Q1 2024, no used vehicle was imported, compared to N69.23 billion worth of used vehicles imported in Q1 2023.

In Q2 2024, the value of imported used vehicles was N138.62 billion, representing an 81.5 percent decline year-on-year from N749.92 billion in Q2 2023.

The NBS noted that the used vehicles were imported mainly from the United States of America, stating: “On the other hand, total imports from America in Q2 2024 stood at N971.84 billion.”

Recall that last year, the federal government introduced a new set of taxes on imported vehicles, among other things.

The new tax regime stipulates that imported vehicles with engine capacities between 2000cc (two litres) and 3999cc (3.9 litres) will pay an additional charge known as the Import Adjustment Tax (IAT) levy of two percent of the vehicle’s value, while vehicles with engine capacities of 4000cc (four litres) and above will attract an IAT of four percent of their value.

The new levy is in addition to the 35 percent import duty and 35 percent levy already being paid by vehicle importers.

However, vehicles below 2000cc, mass transit buses, electric vehicles, and locally manufactured vehicles are exempted from the IAT levy.

The government also revised the import prohibition list to include used motor vehicles older than 12 years from their year of manufacture.

According to Adedoyin, the situation has driven a lot of importers out of the business.

“The implication of this is that there would be safety related issues because most of what is happening now is recycling of Nigerian used cars.

“Importers can no longer bring in cars due to the high foreign exchange rate. Apart from exchange rate, there is the increase in import duty, which we have made clear to the government, is affecting us negatively and have asked that something be done about it. The hike has had adverse effects on our members because it has chased away some of them away from the business.

“Even when you buy a car and sell it at a profit, you cannot buy another one with the current price we use to import and that is why some people have abandoned the business. The government needs to take urgent steps to address the situation,” he said.

He said if the government fails to do something about it, apart from the transportation that will be badly affected, the safety of Nigerians and the economy will be affected.

“The economy is all about the movement of goods, services and people from one place to another. That is what forms the economy. So, anything that affects transportation affects the economy of the country,” he said.

He warned that the consequences of recycling old Nigerian used vehicles are the possibility of an increase in the rate of accidents because they will suffer from wear and tear, causing them to break down.

The Guardian

Israel busts spy ring acting for Iran, security services say

Israel's security services have broken up a spy ring that was gathering information on behalf of Iranian intelligence in the latest attempt by Tehran to recruit Israelis for espionage, the Shin Bet and police said on Monday.

Seven Israelis from Israel's north, including the port city of Haifa, were arrested after an investigation found they had gathered intelligence on Israeli military bases and energy and port infrastructure, a joint Shin Bet and police statement said.

Israeli police said the security breach was among the most serious ever seen by Israel.

"The assessment is that the activity of the members of the ring has caused security damage to the security of the state," a senior source with the Shin Bet security service said.

Iran's foreign ministry was not immediately available for comment.

The suspects, who included two minors, had been tasked by two agents from Iran's intelligence service to carry out hundreds of information gathering tasks on military bases across the country, the Israeli statement said.

The targets included a power plant in the northern town of Hadera, military bases with an emphasis on the air force and navy, as well as Israel's Iron Dome air defence batteries and ports, the statement said.

The suspects worked in exchange for hundreds of thousands of dollars, part of which was processed using cryptocurrency.

"As part of the investigation, many materials seized were collected by the members of the ring and handed over to the Iranian agents," the senior Shin Bet source said.

The suspects acted out of greed for money "and hurt the state of Israel and its citizens," the police said.

An indictment is expected to be served in coming days by the Israeli prosecutor's office.

In September, Israel's security services arrested an Israeli citizen on suspicion of involvement in an Iranian-backed assassination plot against prominent people including the prime minister.

Israel has a long history of intelligence operations in Iran, allegedly including the assassination in July of Ismail Haniyeh, the political leader of the Palestinian Islamist group Hamas in a Tehran state guesthouse. Israel has made no claim of responsibility for that killing.

Reuters

WESTERN PERSPECTIVE

US consults allies about North Korea troops in Ukraine

It would be a "dangerous and highly concerning development" if North Korea was sending troops to help Russia in Ukraine, the United States said on Monday as South Korea and Britain warned of the high price Moscow would likely have to pay Pyongyang.

"We are consulting with our allies and partners on the implications of such a dramatic move," deputy U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. Robert Wood told the 15-member United Nations Security Council. Russia invaded neighboring Ukraine in February 2022.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy has accused Pyongyang of preparing to send 10,000 soldiers to Russia. Ukraine's U.N. Ambassador Sergiy Kyslytsya told the Security Council on Monday: "These troops are expected to be ready for war against Ukraine by November 1."

South Korea's spy agency said last week that North Korea had shipped 1,500 special forces troops to Russia's Far East for training and acclimatising at military bases and that they were likely to be deployed for combat in Ukraine.

"If true, this marks a dangerous and highly concerning development and an obvious deepening of the DPRK, Russia military relationship," Wood said of the reports, using North Korea's formal name - the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.

The Kremlin earlier on Monday declined to directly answer a query on whether North Korean troops were going to fight in Ukraine, but spokesman Dmitry Peskov said Moscow's cooperation with Pyongyang was not directed against third countries.

Russia's U.N. Ambassador Vassily Nebenzia accused Western countries of becoming "distracted by circulating scare mongering with Iranian, Chinese and Korean bogeymen, each one of which is more absurd than the one before."

Britain's U.N. Ambassador Barbara Woodward said it was "highly likely" that North Korea was sending troops.

"It seems that the harder (Russian President Vladimir) Putin finds it to recruit Russians to be cannon fodder, the more willing he is to rely on DPRK in his illegal war," she said. "We can be certain that the DPRK leadership will ask a high price from Russia in return."

South Korea's U.N. Ambassador Joonkook Hwang also warned the council of the implications of such a move.

"North Korea will expect a generous payoff from Moscow in return for its troop contribution. It could be either military or financial assistance. It could be nuclear weapons-related technology," he said.

North Korea has been under U.N. sanctions since 2006 for its nuclear and ballistic missile programs, and those measures have been strengthened over the years - with Russia's support.

RUSSIAN PERSPECTIVE

Ukrainians admit they’re running out of troops – Spanish media

A lack of manpower has now become the main problem for the Ukrainian army as it is forced to gradually yield ground to the Russian advance, El Pais reported on Monday, citing Defense Ministry officials and battlefield commanders.  

The Spanish daily’s reporters traveled to the frontline town of Kurakhovo, which is in Russia’s Donetsk People’s Republic but currently under Ukrainian control. According to the paper, Russian advances in the area mean that Kiev’s forces will soon have to retreat to avoid encirclement.   

The head of the Ukrainian Defense Ministry’s press team on the ground, speaking on condition of anonymity, told El Pais that Kiev’s main problem “is not weapons, it is the people.”   

“Nobody wants to go to the army. The brigades tell us they can’t rotate, they’re exhausted. There will be no people to fight soon,” he is cited as saying.  

Numerous Ukrainian servicemen interviewed by the outlet shared the same view. “Why are we retreating? Because we don’t have rotations, we don’t rest, we’re demoralized,”one Ukrainian officer fighting in Kurakhovo said.  

Yevgeny Churbanov, an officer in the 46th Airborne Brigade, said that nowadays his soldiers have to hold their positions for three months without any rotation, whereas a year ago it was never more than one month, while in the first year of the conflict, troops were typically rotated every four days.  

Ukrainian officials have long sounded the alarm about the depletion of the ranks of its military. To address the issue, earlier this year Kiev lowered the draft age from 27 to 25, and significantly tightened mobilization rules. Social media is rife with videos showing military patrols trying to detain potential recruits on the streets and in the shopping malls, with encounters often turning violent.   

Last week, Ukrainian media reported that, according to the country’s Prosecutor General’s Office, there have been nearly 60,000 criminal cases related to unauthorized abandonment of a military unit or place of service since 2022. Nearly 30,000 offenses related to desertion have been registered over the same period and the number of such transgressions has increased several-fold in recent months.  

In June, Russian President Vladimir Putin estimated Ukrainian losses at 50,000 troops per month, adding that Ukraine’s mobilization was not solving the manpower shortage.

Reuters/RT

Mark Manson (“Every Thing Is F*cked”), argues that “For every action, there is an equal and opposite emotional reaction.” From this vantage, the response of the “State House” to some Nigerians taking to calling President Bola Tinubu “T-Pain” was to be expected. The cease-and-desist warning issued by the state house, last week, was itself, unwittingly, from a position of pain. It gave vent to the federal government’s discomfort that despite the president’s best intentions for the country, and his best efforts (remember that so tired was he from these efforts that he only just returned to work from a furlough) at realising these intentions, the payback from key sections of the people he leads, if this new nickname has any meaning at all, is to further hold him in derision.

Beyond this first take, though, the state house’s response to the president’s new nickname reaches much further than the causal connection between reactions, and their equal and opposite feedback. Since assuming office, the gut response of the Tinubu government to dissent and opposition has been as good, if not better than that of, any of the military governments we have had since independence. Our current government has tried to squelch strikes called by civil society groups and labour unions to protest deteriorating living conditions. It has threatened charges of treason against domestic entities perceived to be on disagreement with it. In other words, it has not acted, thus far, as if its mandate derives from the electorate.

Ironically, the “T-Pain” sobriquet is itself an emotional reaction to a bucket of stimuli. The pains that the Nigerian people have been through in the last one year are rivalled only by the ones much older citizens went through in the mid-1980s – when we had to queue for “essential commodities”, when poor queuing etiquette was rewarded most rabidly by jackbooted soldiers, and when the call to the people to tighten their belts, as part of a national programme of economic austerity continued to ignore the fact that the last hole in the average Nigerian’s belt was as close to the buckle as the laws of biology and physics permitted.

I still believe that the Tinubu government could have made a more convincing case around both the stimuli it was reacting to in the design of its policy responses, and the nature of the responses themselves. Indeed, it could, arguably have successfully made two such cases. The first case, that it inherited economic mayhem is readily made. Between President Muhammadu Buhari and CBN Governor Godwin Emefiele, fiscal and monetary policy gumption was observed in the breach in the years before Tinubu took office. The transmogrification of a policy intended to drive electronic financial transactions into one that denied the economy of cash completely may have been the most stupid of what was then advertised as a new homegrown heterodoxy, yet it was but one chapter in a very ugly tome. Coming into office after 8 years of this madness, things were always going to be hard. The central bank’s dollar coffers were barer than Old Mother Hubbard’s cupboard. The national exchequer was no better – that is, before accounting for the debts and contingent obligations that the two previous joint managers of our macroeconomic space had added.

Attempts to fix this problem were going to be harder still. But in order to soften the popular response to the hardships that were on the cards, the federal government simply needed to let the people know how bad things were, what fixes it was going to implement, the time-horizons for these fixes, and how much displacement in living standards the people were going to have to bear. What we have learned over the last 12 months is that only governments that feel accountable to the people do such things. As has become painfully clear, the knee-jerk response of the incumbent federal government is that of an unelected junta, and not that of a democracy.

If the Tinubu government’s understanding of its relationship to the people were that of an elected government, accountable at elections, then it would understand that if the “State House” can warn Nigerians not to address our president after a certain fashion, it means the “State House” can also insist that we address him far more ingratiatingly. Whichever way you look at it, Enver Hoxha would have been delighted by the “State House” – straight out of George’s “1984”!!!

** Uddin Ifeanyi, journalist manqué and retired civil servant, can be reached @IfeanyiUddin.