“But she spoke the truth.” That is the most common retort among the diehard fans and devotees of Mrs Kemi Badenoch — leader of the UK Conservative Party — who has been obsessed with saying nasty things about Nigeria since she made her way into the front row of British politics and started glowing under the klieg lights. She has said so many “truths” at a dizzying speed that I am slightly confused over what she intends to achieve. She said she left Nigeria in 1996 after “leftist policies” impoverished the middle class and caused “hyperinflation”.  She said Yoruba “have nothing in common with northern Nigeria”. She said lizards, rather than water, flow from Nigerian taps.

I intend to, hereunder, challenge some of her egregious claims. To be clear, she has every right to say anything with her mouth. If she experienced trauma in Nigeria, she is free to tell the whole world. Nobody has the right to silence her. But there is one right she doesn’t have: to tell lies, misrepresent the facts or fan ethnic hate in a delicately poised country like Nigeria. Nigerians have every right to tackle her mischief. Her defenders say those who disagree with her utterances are only defending bad governance in the land. Thankfully, Mrs Badenoch did not invent criticism of bad governance in Nigeria. Nigerians do that every day in the media and on the streets. I do it regularly on this page.

Of all the awful things she said, the most disturbing is her promotion of ethnic bigotry. This woman is dangerous. Listen to her: “I find it interesting that everybody defines me as being Nigerian. I identify less with the country than with the specific ethnicity [Yoruba]. That’s what I really am. I have nothing in common with the people from the north of the country, the Boko Haram where the Islamism is. Those were our ethnic enemies and yet you end up being lumped in with those people.” This really excited her Nigerian fan base. Her father, the late Prof Olufemi Adegoke, a Yoruba nationalist, held similar views and even campaigned for the utopian “confederalism” which no country practises.

“But she spoke the truth.” But what manner of “truth” is her claim that Yoruba and northern Nigeria “had nothing in common”? Yoruba started interacting with northerners through commerce as far back as the 1500s. Fact. For centuries, they traded in cattle, kola nuts, horses, yams, cowries, firearms and glass beads. According to historians, the ethnonym ‘Yoruba’ — which Mrs Badenoch says defines her — was coined by northerners. I know some people are trying to re-write this fact but they have to travel back in time to erase history. They can argue that Yoruba and northerners should never have been in the same country, but they are not allowed to cannibalise the facts of history.

I have a sense that Mrs Badenoch is only repeating what she was told at home or what she read on social media. I will encourage her to go beyond hearsay and read good books. I recommend ‘A History of the Yoruba People’, authored by Prof Adebanji Akintoye, a supporter of Sunday Igboho, the Yoruba Nation separatist. Her father once described Igboho as “brave” for his secessionist rhetoric. She can also read ‘The Yoruba: A New History’, authored by Dr Akinwumi Ogundiran, a history professor at the Northwestern University, the US. Mrs Badenoch will be sad to discover the history of Yoruba intercourse with northerners and how this influenced culture and the Yoruba language.

It is obvious that Mrs Badenoch does not even know that the ethnonym ‘Yoruba’ did not refer to her own ancestors before colonial rule. ‘Yoruba’ was the identity of the Oyo-speaking people in today’s Oyo state and parts of Osun and Kwara states. Not all the people who call themselves ‘Yoruba’ today were called ‘Yoruba’ before colonial rule. The example I always cite — because it is easily on record — is Nigeria’s first newspaper which was established in 1859. It was named ‘Iwe Irohin fun Awon Egba ati Yoruba’ (‘Newspaper for Egba and Yoruba’). As of 1859, Egba people were not identified as Yoruba. Today’s pan-Yoruba identity, like most ethnic identities around the world, evolved with time.

Lest I forget, Mrs Badenoch said northerners “were our ethnic enemies”. My recommended reading for her in this regard would be ‘War and Peace in Yorubaland 1793-1893’, written by the late Prof Adeagbo Akinjogbin. She will be shocked to read about the intra-Yoruba wars: the Owo War (1820-1827), the Ijaye War (1860-1865) and the Kiriji War (1877-1893). Indeed, we can argue that the advent of colonialism and the “Lord Lugard lumping” of 1914 helped bring peace to what later became known as Yorubaland. Mrs Badenoch obviously thinks there was a lovey-dovey Republic of Oduduwa before the colonial masters came and “lumped in” her people with Boko Haram. Fantasy.

“But she spoke the truth.” She classified a region of 19 states as “Boko Haram”. She does not know that the north has nearly 200 ethnic groups (and millions of non-terrorists). In Borno state, the heartland of Boko Haram, most of the terror victims are Muslims. Fact. In this age and with all her education, exposure and experience in a multi-racial and multi-cultural society like the UK, I wonder how she plans to preside over a country where the Scottish, Welsh, Irish, and English people are “lumped in” — to say nothing about the millions from ethnic and religious minorities. She acquired British citizenship by birth; maybe she needs a crash course on the complex history of the UK.

Born to Nigerian parents in a British hospital in 1980, she was named “Oluwakemi” (incidentally, one of my younger sisters answers that lovely name, which, roughly translated, means “the Lord pampers me” or “the Lord blesses me”). Baby Oluwakemi was thereafter brought to Lagos, Nigeria, where she lived the first sixteen years of her life and received her basic education. A couple of years after her birth, the Nigerian economy ran into a serious storm amid a global recession. Dwindling oil revenues and the inevitable forex crunch forced many Nigerian factories to close down or retrench workers. The Shehu Shagari administration rolled out a mini reform package nicknamed “austerity measures”.

As prices of goods and services soared and economic pains intensified, the military overthrew Shagari on December 31, 1983. Major Gen Muhammadu Buhari became the head of state. The economy still did not improve much, even though oil prices recovered — and Buhari was overthrown by Gen Ibrahim Babangida on August 27, 1985. Babangida went on to implement the structural adjustment programme (SAP) — a reform package backed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank. The objectives were to transit to market economy through privatisation, grow agriculture, promote local industry, ramp up exports and cut subsidies to reduce government debts.

“But she spoke the truth.” What truth? When Mrs Badenoch left Nigeria in 1996, Nigeria was neck-deep in its market transition. The second-tier foreign exchange market (SFEM) was introduced in 1986 to liberalise the forex market. The naira crashed from roughly N1/$ in 1986 to N22/$ in 1996 (N88/$ in the parallel market). With an economy tied to imports, inflation was inevitable. Was SAP a leftist policy? Is forex liberalisation a leftist policy? Is privatisation leftist? Are IMF and World Bank leftist institutions? What truth, exactly? Meanwhile, when she relocated, Nigeria was still reeling from the June 12 annulment crisis which had paralysed the country politically and economically.

Her brother’s experience with the Nigerian police (“they stole his shoes and wristwatch”) is something Nigerians can relate with. After all, our youths held the #EndSARS protests against police atrocities in 2020. Definitely, the British police, which she praised, are better trained, better resourced and far more professional than ours. No argument. But in the year up to March 31, 2024, nearly 600 police officers were sacked in England and Wales for sexual offences, possession of child exploitation material, dishonesty and discriminatory behaviour. There is the famous case of David Carrick, a police officer who raped 48 women while on duty. Yes, she spoke the truth. Selective truth.

She talks exactly like those clout-chasers who think belittling Nigeria abroad is a ticket to glory. Responding to Vice-President Kashim Shettima’s caution over her unprovoked attacks, her aide said it is not her job to do PR for Nigeria. Fair enough. Her job is to urinate on Nigeria everywhere she goes. But think about it. President Barack Obama’s father was from Kenya. Rishi Sunak, ex-UK prime minister, has Indian roots. Humza Yousaf, ex-Scotland first minister, and Sadiq Khan, mayor of London, have Pakistani origin. Despite similar “truths” about their ancestral countries, they never open their mouths, like our dear Mrs Badenoch, to savage their roots. Emotional intelligence.

Now, my final words to Mrs Badenoch: grow up. You have already made history as the first black to lead the Tories. That is monumental. Work hard to become the next prime minister. Make history again. That is all you care about. But by outing yourself as an ethnic bigot, you are hurting yourself, not Nigeria. Denigrating us will not win your party more parliamentary seats. You behave like someone with a complex — like those slaves who felt privileged to supervise fellow slaves and often treated them with more disdain than the slave masters themselves. By the way, Mrs Badenoch, there is a Yoruba noun for those who point to their family house with the left hand. Go and find out.

First, a couple stories. One: A good friend of mine owns a handful of Ferraris, and has more on the way. Some he “just” purchased. Others he designed: not just the standard “build your own car” by choosing from a standard set of exterior colors and interior designs, but custom colors, paint schemes, interiors, and other elements. In short, at least two of his Ferraris are basically one-of-ones.

Whenever I run across a Ferrari, I send him a picture, and he always responds enthusiastically with the model, year, and a couple of fun facts.

One time I sent him a photo and he responded with “2004-something-something-something.” (I don’t remember what it was. My knowledge of Ferraris begins and ends with the prancing horse logo.) “You could probably get one for around $80 grand.”

Passion and identity

Since the Ferraris I usually stumble upon seem to be in the $500,000 range, I tried to be funny and wrote back, “Ah. Poser.”

“No,” he instantly responded. “The value of the car is irrelevant. Least expensive or most expensive, doesn’t matter. Own a Ferrari, you’re a Ferrari owner.”

Two: During a reception after a speaking gig, a man said to me, “I really want to be an entrepreneur, but I know it will take years before I can start my own business.“

I immediately thought about what my Ferrari friend had said. “You don’t have to wait,” I said. “Sign up with Uber, get paid for your first passenger, and you’re an entrepreneur.”

The same is with teaching a music lesson, or taking a programming gig on Fiverr, or anything: All you have to do is start, and you’re an entrepreneur. Everything else is just a matter of degree.

Embrace your entrepreneurial spirit

To quote the Stoic philosopher Seneca, who was quoting Epicurus, “The fool, with all his other faults, has this also: He is always getting ready to live.” The same is true for whatever you want to be. If you’re waiting to start, you’re just pretending. You want to be, yet you are not.

But the moment you start, however small, tentatively, however humbly? You are what you want to be. As long as you keep trying and don’t quit, the rest is just a matter of degree.

That’s true for any pursuit. You don’t have to run a marathon to be considered a runner. The first time you go for a jog, you’re a runner. Even if you “only” run a mile two or three times a week, you’re a runner. You don’t have to be Taylor Swift (speaking of one-of-ones) to be a musician; as long as you regularly play — no matter how poorly you, or others, think you play — you’re a musician.

You’re already on your way

Work for yourself, not someone else, and even if only occasionally, and for relatively small sums of money… you’re an entrepreneur.

Waiting to start doing something you want to do, that you want to become, is a form of conditional thinking: “First (this) has to happen; then I will finally be able to do (that).”

But waiting won’t make you the person you want to be. Preparation and planning are nice, but the moment you start is the moment you have become.

The rest is just a matter of degree.

And once you’ve started, the more time and effort you put into what you have become, the more likely you’ll reach the degree of success in that pursuit that you hope to achieve.

But first you have to start.

Inc

The Nigerian Exchange Limited (NGX) posted strong gains last week, with investors adding more than N1.062 trillion to their portfolios. The All Share Index (ASI) rose to 101,129.09 points from 99,378.06 points, marking its highest weekly gain since March 2024.

The market's year-to-date return of 35.2% has outpaced Nigeria's November inflation rate of 34.6%. This performance was driven largely by rallies in blue-chip stocks, with ARADEL leading the gains at 20.73%, followed by GTCO at 7.65% and Zenith Bank at 4.20%. However, some major stocks declined, including BUA Cement (-2.11%), MTN Nigeria (-0.28%), and ACCESSCORP (-0.62%).

The total market value increased to N61.303 trillion from N60.241 trillion the previous week. Analysts attribute this bullish trend to strong buying interest across major sectors, particularly in consumer goods companies like Honeywell Flour Mills, Nigeria Breweries, and Nestle. They also note that investors are taking year-end positions ahead of the Christmas holiday, with an increasing number of companies reaching new 52-week highs.

The market's upward momentum has been supported by robust money flows and cross-deal transactions as the year draws to a close.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) reports that Credit to the Private Sector (CPS) decreased by approximately 3% in October 2024, falling from N75.83 trillion to N73.95 trillion. This decline represents a reduction of N1.8 trillion in financial resources provided to private businesses through loans, securities purchases, and trade credits.

Despite the monthly decline, the October 2024 figure remains 15% higher than the N63.5 trillion recorded in October 2023, indicating overall growth in private sector financing year-over-year. The credit volume has fluctuated between N73-74 trillion throughout the third quarter of 2024.

The year began strongly with private sector credit reaching N76.4 trillion in January, climbing to N80.8 trillion in February. However, March saw a sharp decline to N71.2 trillion, followed by fluctuations through subsequent months. By October, the figure had settled at N73.94 trillion.

Analysts attribute the recent decline to the CBN's tighter monetary policy, particularly the increased Monetary Policy Rate (MPR) of 27.5%, implemented to combat inflation. Despite these challenges, experts have praised the resilience of Nigeria's financial system and banking sector throughout 2024.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

Israel's Netanyahu eyes Iran after triumphs over Hamas, Hezbollah, Syria

2025 will be a year of reckoning for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his country's arch foe Iran.

The veteran Israeli leader is set to cement his strategic goals: tightening his military control over Gaza, thwarting Iran's nuclear ambitions and capitalising on the dismantling of Tehran's allies -- Palestinian Hamas, Lebanon's Hezbollah and the removal of Syrian president Bashar al-Assad.

Assad's collapse, the elimination of the top leaders of Hamas and Hezbollah and the destruction of their military structure mark a succession of monumental wins for Netanyahu.

Without Syria, the alliances Tehran has nurtured for decades have unraveled. As Iran's influence weakens, Israel is emerging as the dominant power in the region.

Netanyahu is poised to zero in on Iran's nuclear ambitions and missile program, applying an unyielding focus to dismantling and neutralising these strategic threats to Israel.

Iran, Middle East observers say, faces a stark choice: Either continue its nuclear enrichment program or scale back its atomic activities and agree to negotiations.

"Iran is very vulnerable to an Israeli attack, particularly against its nuclear program," said Joost R. Hiltermann, Middle East and North Africa Program Director of the International Crisis Group. "I wouldn't be surprised if Israel did it, but that doesn't get rid of Iran."

"If they (Iranians) do not back down, Trump and Netanyahu might strike, as nothing now prevents them," said Palestinian analyst Ghassan al-Khatib, referring to President-elect Donald Trump. Khatib argued that the Iranian leadership, having demonstrated pragmatism in the past, may be willing to compromise to avert a military confrontation.

Trump, who withdrew from a 2015 agreement between Iran and six world powers aimed at curbing Tehran's nuclear goals, is likely to step up sanctions on Iran's oil industry, despite calls to return to negotiations from critics who see diplomacy as a more effective long-term policy.

DEFINING LEGACY

Amid the turmoil of Iran and Gaza, Netanyahu's long-running corruption trial, which resumed in December, will also play a defining role in shaping his legacy. For the first time since the outbreak of the Gaza war in 2023, Netanyahu took the stand in proceedings that have bitterly divided Israelis.

With 2024 coming to an end, the Israeli prime minister will likely agree to sign a ceasefire accord with Hamas to halt the 14-month-old Gaza war and free Israeli hostages held in the enclave, according to sources close to the negotiations.

But Gaza would stay under Israeli military control in the absence of a post-war U.S. plan for Israel to cede power to the Palestinian Authority (PA), which Netanyahu rejects. Arab states have shown little inclination to press Israel to compromise or push the decaying PA to overhaul its leadership to take over.

"Israel will remain in Gaza militarily in the foreseeable future because any withdrawal carries the risk of Hamas reorganising. Israel believes that the only way to maintain the military gains is to stay in Gaza," Khatib told Reuters.

For Netanyahu, such a result would mark a strategic victory, consolidating a status quo that aligns with his vision: Preventing Palestinian statehood while ensuring Israel's long-term control over Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem -- territories internationally recognised as integral to a future Palestinian state.

The Gaza war erupted when Hamas militants stormed into Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, killing 1,200 people and taking 250 hostages, according to Israeli tallies. Israel responded with an air and land offensive that has killed 45,000 people, health authorities there say, displaced 1.2 million and left much of the enclave in ruins.

While the ceasefire pact would bring an immediate end to the Gaza hostilities, it would not address the deeper, decades-old Palestinian-Israeli conflict, Arab and Western officials say.

On the ground, prospects for a Palestinian state, an option repeatedly ruled out by Netanyahu's government, have become increasingly unattainable, with Israeli settler leaders optimistic that Trump will align closely with their views.

A surge in settler violence and the increasing confidence of the settler movement - highway billboards in some West Bank areas bear the message in Arabic "No Future in Palestine" - reflect a growing squeeze on Palestinians.

Even if the Trump administration were to push for an end to the conflict, "any resolution would be on Israel’s terms," said Hiltermann of the Crisis Group.

"It's over when it comes to a Palestinian state, but the Palestinians are still there," he said.

In Trump's previous term, Netanyahu secured several diplomatic wins, including the “Deal of the Century,” a U.S.-backed peace plan which Trump floated in 2020 to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

The plan, if implemented, marks a dramatic shift in U.S. policy and international agreements by overtly aligning with Israel and deviating sharply from a long-standing land-for-peace framework that has historically guided negotiations.

It would allow Israel to annex vast stretches of land in the occupied West Bank, including Israeli settlements and the Jordan Valley. It would also recognise Jerusalem as the "undivided capital of Israel" - effectively denying Palestinian claims to East Jerusalem as their capital, a central aspiration in their statehood goals and in accordance with U.N. resolutions.

SYRIA AT CRITICAL CROSSROADS

Across the border from Israel, Syria stands at a critical juncture following the overthrow of Assad by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) rebel forces, led by Ahmad al-Sharaa, better known as Abu Mohammed al-Golani.

Golani now faces the monumental task of consolidating control over a fractured Syria, where the military and police force have collapsed. HTS has to rebuild from scratch, securing borders and maintaining internal stability against threats from jihadists, remnants of the Assad regime, and other adversaries.

The greatest fear among Syrians and observers alike is whether HTS, once linked to al-Qaeda but now presenting itself as a Syrian nationalist force to gain legitimacy, reverts to a rigid Islamist ideology.

The group’s ability - or failure - to navigate this balance will shape the future of Syria, home to diverse communities of Sunnis, Shi'ites, Alawites, Kurds, Druze and Christians.

"If they succeed in that (Syrian nationalism) there's hope for Syria, but if they revert to their comfort zone of quite strongly ideologically-tainted Islamism, then it's going to be divisive in Syria," said Hiltermann.

"You could have chaos and a weak Syria for a long time, just like we saw in Libya and Iraq."

Reuters

WESTERN PERSPECTIVE

Russia captures two villages in Ukraine as Moscow's forces advance on two cities

Russian forces captured two villages in Ukraine, one in Kharkiv region in the northeast and one in eastern Donetsk region, the Russian Defence Ministry said on Sunday.

Donetsk region is where Moscow is concentrating most of its efforts to seize two cities.

Russian forces, making steady progress across Donetsk region, are moving on the towns of Pokrovsk, a logistics centre and site of an important coking colliery, and appear to be closing in on Kurakhove, farther south.

The Defence Ministry statement said troops had taken control of Lozova, near the town of Kupiansk, in an area north of Donetsk region also under Russian pressure in recent weeks. The village of Sontsivka, north of Kurakhove, was also captured.

The ministry on Saturday announced the capture of another village near Kurakhove, Kostiantynopolske.

The Ukraine military's general staff made no mention of those villages falling into Russian hands, but said Sontsivka was in a sector subject to 26 Russian attacks in the past 24 hours. The general staff also reported heavy fighting near Pokrovsk, with 34 Russian attempts to pierce defences.

The popular Ukrainian military blog DeepState said Sontsivka was under Russian control.

Russian reports have described intensified pressure on Kurakhove.

The Moscow-appointed governor of areas of Donetsk region occupied by Russian forces, Denis Pushilin, said on Telegram that Russian troops now controlled the town centre. He also said troops were advancing on Pokrovsk from the south.

Russian troops have been moving through eastern Ukraine in the past two months at the fastest rate since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.

The Ukrainian military said on Friday its forces had pulled back from the area around two villages -- one near Pokrovsk, the other near Kurakhove -- to avoid being encircled by advancing Russian troops.

RUSSIAN PERSPECTIVE

Putin vows retaliation for Ukrainian drone strike

Russian President Vladimir Putin has warned that the organizers of Saturday’s drone attack on the city of Kazan will face a harsh retaliatory response.

“Whoever and no matter how hard they try to destroy something [in Russia], they will face many times greater destruction in their own country for it and will also regret what they are trying to do in our country,” he said Sunday.

Addressing Tatarstan's leader, Rustam Minnikhanov, Putin expressed confidence that the republic will manage to recover from the attack on its capital, Kazan.

“I am certain that the regional authorities will restore everything that was damaged by our enemies and adversaries,” he said, speaking at a video conference on launching new transport infrastructure projects.

The December 21 attack on Kazan targeted residential buildings and a factory, causing damage but no casualties, according to local authorities. Officials reported eight drone strikes in total, including six on residential buildings, one on an industrial enterprise, and one which was intercepted over a river.

According to the Russian Defense Ministry, Kiev had deployed three waves of fixed-wing drones. Russian air defenses shot down three of the incoming UAVs, and three more were downed with the help of electronic warfare systems, the military reported on Saturday.

Since the Ukraine conflict escalated in February 2022, Kiev has repeatedly targeted Russian border regions such as Bryansk, Belgorod, and Kursk. Drone strikes have also reached Moscow on several occasions. Kazan, in comparison, lies much farther away, approximately 1,379 kilometers (857 miles) from Ukraine.

Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova suggested that the “terrorist attack”was Kiev’s “revenge” for the BRICS summit which Kazan hosted in October and “demonstrated the power and influence of this association in the world.”

It was also “an attempt to intimidate the population of one of the dynamically developing regions of our country,” she said in a statement on Saturday.

Reuters/RT

In 1991, Nigeria was in the full throes of the interminable transition to civil rule programme of General Ibrahim Babangida. The effort by the regime in 1991 to relocate their terminal date from 1992 to 1993 coincided with a planned meeting in Ibadan, South-West Nigeria, of the leadership of the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS).

At the time, the security agencies had secreted on major campuses around the country assets masquerading as students. University of Ibadan was no exception. The unsuspecting NANS leadership was taken by surprise when the SSS swooped on its meeting, abducted the entire lot and dumped them in the Kirikiri Maximum Security Prison in Lagos, with notice to no one. The abductees included then President of NANS, Mahmud Aminu; their Svengali, Bamidele Aturu; as well as other notables in the movement such as Naseer Kura and Funso Omogbehin.

To make the grab look lawful, the regime issued a back-dated order for their detention under the State Security (Detention of Persons) Decree No. 2 of 1984, effectively making them hostages in law. On a routine professional visit to the Kirikiri Prisons in 1991 to see some other detainees, the then Officer in Charge (O/C) of Records at the facility pulled me aside and whispered about the presence in the prison of the leadership of the NANS. Until then, nearly 10 days after they went missing, no one knew where they were. If Mungo Park had made the journey, the history books would probably have recorded that he “discovered” the then leadership of the NANS in Kirikiri Prisons.

The lead lawyer for such matters then was Kanmi Isola-Osobu, a brilliant Life Bencher, who was also lawyer to Fela Anikulapo Kuti. Kanmi’s office was opposite Adekunle Police Station in Yaba, Lagos; beside Tunji Otegbeye’s hospital. There were no cellular phones. I visited Kanmi’s office on a Monday afternoon to brief him about the students in the hope that he could lead the legal proceedings on their behalf. He was busy. With a familiar glint lighting up his face, Kanmi later informed me that he had been busy lubricating the struggle.

The case went before Nureini Abiodun Kessington, whose court at the time had a deserved reputation as the graveyard of bloated professional egos. With subversive invention, Kessington promptly ended the abduction of the student leaders and ensured that they were released with no substantial interruption to their academic careers or lives thereafter.

Those of us who became active against military rule then were inspired largely by two things. One was the hope that the end of military rule would see the end of such practice; the other was the dutiful resistance of some courageous judges like Kessington. In hindsight, we may have been naïve about the nature of power and the resilience of its methods. A quarter of a century after the end of military rule, the practice continues to prosper. To make matters worse, courageous judges appear to have become extinct.

First, the politicians discovered they could emulate the soldiers. In January 2017, Audu Maikori had been a lawyer for nearly sixteen years. He was a leader in entertainment law in Nigeria and president and chief executive officer of a thriving start-up in the sector known as Chocolate City Group, with interests in radio, television, events, movies, and music. A son of Southern Kaduna, Audu was also a powerful voice and amplifier of the sufferings of the people under the predatory rulership of then Governor of Kaduna State, Nasir el-Rufai.

On  or around 17 February 2017, police officers from the Kaduna State Command of the Nigeria Police Force abducted Audu from Lagos and embarked on a cross-country dash with him; first to Abuja, where he was detained in the police cell in Asokoro. The following day, they ferried him to Kaduna for further detention. After two days of detention, the police in Kaduna granted him bail.

It was in Kaduna that Audu discovered that his abduction was in connection with a post on his Twitter feed about the crisis in Southern Kaduna. A fortnight after Audu’s release on bail, Governor Nasir el-Rufai, while headlining the Social Media Week in Lagos on 4 March, promised that he was “trying to link the dates of [Audu’s tweets] to attacks that may have happened the next day on Fulanis and if we are able to establish that causation,…. we know what it means.” Under his orders, the police snatched Audu again and this time detained him in nasty conditions in the State Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS). He had become a hostage in law.

Audu subsequently sued el-Rufai and the Police. On 27 October 2017, John Tsoho, then a judge of the Federal High Court, issued a judgment invalidating Audu’s abduction from Lagos. The judge held that “a warrant of arrest issued by a Magistrate in Kaduna was not valid for execution in Laos, except and until endorsed by a court in Lagos. Not even a warrant issued by a State High Court can be validly executed in another State without endorsement by a competent court within the State where it is to be executed.” He awarded N40 million in damages against Governor el-Rufai. After the Court of Appeal reaffirmed the essence of the judgment by the Federal High Court, el-Rufai appealed to the Supreme Court to assert his right to abduct Nigerian citizens at will and hold them as his own hostages in law.

Two years later, judges and magistrates invented jurisprudence to ground the practice of hostage taking through law. Unlike in Audu’s case, the police officers who abducted Steven Kefason from Port Harcourt on the orders of Nasir el-Rufai in May 2019,  could not even be bothered with a warrant. After snatching Steven, they secreted him in a cell in Mini Koro, Rivers State overnight, before ferrying him by road in a brutal ride to Kaduna. Over three days, they denied him food, access to communication or personal sanitation.

In Kaduna, Steven was interrogated in equally brutal conditions, under the personal supervision of the governor’s legal adviser. The reason for the abduction – it turned out – was a tweet by Steven around 20 April 2019, in which he said that, “while over 12k Kajuru IDPs are living in a terrible condition, their LG Chairman, Cafra Caino, was hosting his old school mates to a birthday party at Kajuru Castle….” The facts were not in dispute but el-Rufai nevertheless instructed the abduction of Steven on charges of incitement and injurious falsehood. One month after Steven’s initial abduction, the Magistrate in Kaduna denied him bail on 20 June 2019 because, “while on bail, [he] further made social media posts further insulting the person of the Governor and that of the Chairman of Kaduna and Kajuru LGAs respectively.”

On 27 February 2020, Peter Mallong, a judge of the Federal High Court in Kaduna, denied Steven’s request for judicial review of his abduction and the decision of the Magistrate, claiming, in an extraordinary travesty of jurisprudence, that he was bound by the decision of the Magistrate to deny bail because the issues were the same and the parties were largely the same. Following his abduction, Steven suffered as hostage in law for over six months with no redress and came close to losing his life. The injustice of the judgment cried out to the Heavens for redress.

In July 2023, Peter Mallong died at 60.

Those who wonder how the country ended up with the utterly shameful charade being orchestrated in a squalid courtroom in Ekiti in the case of Dele Farotimi have Peter Mallong to thank for having written the manual on judicial enablement of the practice of rendering citizens into hostages in law. This narrative has wider ramifications.

** Chidi Anselm Odinkalu, a professor of law, teaches at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy and can be reached through This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it..

Marcel Schwantes

Satya Nadella, the CEO of Microsoft, knows a thing or two about leadership. He has spearheaded a cultural shift since taking the helm that emphasizes empathy, collaboration, and innovation, guiding Microsoft through a significant turnaround.

In a conversation with Adam Grant during the 2022 Future of Work Conference, Nadella clued us in to a leadership skill that will positively affirm someone as a good leader: coaching.

“Model, Coach, Care”

At Microsoft, Nadella launched the “Model, Coach, Care” framework a few years back. The idea is that Microsoft managers actively role model a coaching mindset and coach their team members to do the same with their colleagues. It’s an approach grounded on genuinely caring for each employee’s personal growth and professional development.

This coaching framework meets the need for teams to create open and trusting spaces where people feel supported in their well-being and success. During the pandemic, Microsoft managers really put this model into action to keep teams connected and focused, even when everyone worked from different places.

Becoming a Good Coach

For starters, if you’re a CEO, you need to identify and train servant leaders to focus on people development. Because today’s leadership is really about helping and guiding people, not just checking off tasks. That’s why Nadella believes that leaders should be more like coaches, supporting employees in reaching their potential by giving them advice, feedback, and encouragement.

Coaching isn’t about micromanaging or barking orders. It’s about listening actively, asking the right questions, and creating an environment where people feel encouraged to figure things out on their own. It’s all about helping your team build their skills so they can tackle current issues and take on future challenges.

For example, when Microsoft shifted to a cloud-first strategy, Nadella didn’t tell each employee exactly how to adapt. Instead, he laid out a vision and coached teams on how to make their work fit with that vision. He helped them grow by spotting learning opportunities, pushing them to challenge themselves, and boosting their confidence to take those steps.

So what does it take to be a good coach? Our leadership development courses teach managers to focus on a few key qualities:

1. Empathy: Get where your team is coming from and what they need to succeed.
2. Feedback: Give them regular, constructive insights to help them improve.
3. Support: Help remove obstacles and provide them with the tools and environment necessary for their development.

Inc

As Christmas 2024 approaches, an unprecedented wave of economic hardship is forcing Nigerian families to make difficult choices between tradition and survival. With food inflation soaring above 40 percent in Abuja alone, many households are going to bed hungry, while others struggle to maintain even a shadow of their usual holiday celebrations.

The harsh reality is evident in markets across the nation's major cities. At Mile 12 International Market in Lagos, trucks laden with tomatoes, peppers, and vegetables create an illusion of abundance. But behind this facade, a complex web of challenges drives prices ever higher. Truck owner Shehu explains the brutal mathematics of food distribution: "We spend between N500,000 and N800,000 per truck on diesel, farm security, and checkpoint fees before reaching Lagos. It's suffocating us, but we have no choice."

The impact on everyday items is staggering. A chicken that cost N15,000 last year now sells for N35,000, with only older layers available at the previous year's price. "What will that do for my family?" asks Mummy Somto at Agric Market in Ikorodu, her voice heavy with frustration. "We have never seen it like this in Nigeria. I hope this hope is the hope."

The ripple effects touch every aspect of daily life. At Daleko Market, the prices tell their own story: a 25-liter container of vegetable oil sells for up to N95,000, while garri reaches N56,000. Even basic ingredients like curry and thyme now cost N550 per roll, and a single small onion bulb commands an astronomical N200. Mrs. Bukky Osagie, a rice vendor at Mile 12, watches as customers increasingly opt for half bags instead of full ones. "Last December, a bag of rice was between N65,000 and N70,000. Today, it starts from N95,000. How do people survive this trend?"

The traditional journey home for Christmas, a cornerstone of Nigerian cultural life, has become an impossible luxury for many. In Kaduna, Nonye Juliet calculates the painful math of her journey to Owerri: last year's round trip of N100,000 has risen even higher. The situation is even more dire for air travelers, with fares seeing a staggering 218 percent increase since June. A one-way ticket from Abuja to Lagos now costs between N220,000 and N285,000, forcing many to abandon air travel entirely.

Those who must travel by road face their own challenges. A journey from Abuja to Lagos that previously cost N28,000 now demands up to N60,000. At Jabi Motor Park, trader Emeka Uzo observes the impact: "People are no longer travelling as much. Even buses are going half-empty because of the cost of tickets."

Families are adapting in various ways. In Benin City, Mr. Uche Isaac, a commercial driver, breaks with tradition: "I have never spent Christmas outside my village, but this time, I will celebrate it in Benin City." With transportation costs of over N200,000 for his family of seven, he's chosen to use the money for rice and meat instead. Victor Okechukwu from Imo State plans to travel alone, breaking his journey through Onitsha to save costs. "Life will continue after the yuletide celebration," he reasons.

The Federal Government has attempted to ease the burden with initiatives including 50 percent rebates on transport fares, free Compressed Natural Gas bus services, and free train transportation in Abuja. However, these measures provide little comfort to families like Miriam Jagaba's. Shopping at Utako Market with her four children, she laments, "Last year, I bought a bag of rice for N75,000, but now it's almost double. It's heartbreaking."

Yet, amidst the hardship, the spirit of celebration persists. At Daleko Market, Mrs. Hannah captures this resilience: "Whether the devil likes it or not, we will celebrate with our families and share love during this season. We will just have to adjust our spending according to our means." In Ilorin, Mazi Joseph, a shoemaker, maintains that some community events cannot be missed, regardless of cost. "This is not new," he reflects. "Things have always been expensive, even though this year is different in dimension and progression."

As Christmas 2024 approaches, this season of joy has become a testament to Nigerian resilience, with families finding ways to preserve the spirit of celebration even as they adapt to unprecedented economic challenges. While traditional homecomings may be muted and feasts scaled back, the determination to maintain family bonds and cultural traditions remains unshaken, even if through more modest means or remote connections.

In a devastating weekend that underscores Nigeria's deepening economic crisis, at least 39 people lost their lives in two separate stampedes during food distribution events.

The tragic incidents occurred Saturday morning in the capital city of Abuja and the southern town of Okija, Anambra State, just days after another deadly stampede claimed 35 children's lives at a school funfair in Ibadan.

In Abuja's Maitama district, 10 people, including at least four children, died and eight others were injured during an annual charity event at the Holy Trinity Catholic Church. The tragedy unfolded around 6 am as desperate residents from distant areas like Mararaba, Nyanya, and Mpape gathered for food distribution.

"Initially, everyone was orderly, but as the day broke, the number of people doubled," recalled John, an eyewitness. "In their desperation to get the rice first, people began pushing and shoving. Before we knew it, we started hearing cries for help from those who had fallen or sustained injuries."

The situation in Okija proved even more catastrophic, with 29 people reported dead at the Obijackson Centre in Amanranta. The stampede occurred around 7:45 am as crowds gathered to receive palliatives including 25kg bags of rice, vegetable oil, and cash gifts from the Obijackson Foundation's annual Christmas distribution.

Eyewitnesses described heart-wrenching scenes, including a mother who died with her baby strapped to her back. While the child survived, the incident epitomized the desperate conditions driving people to risk their lives for basic necessities. "The cause of this is poverty and the high cost of rice," one witness observed. "If it were not so, this unfortunate incident would not have happened."

Reverend Father Mike Umoh, National Director of Social Communications at the Catholic Secretariat of Nigeria, noted that while such charitable distributions have been routine for years, the unprecedented turnout reflects the nation's deteriorating economic situation. "This sad event should be a signal to other organizers to be more careful and implement better crowd control measures," he stated.

These tragic events, occurring just days before Christmas, cast a somber shadow over the holiday season while highlighting the desperate circumstances facing many Nigerians amid rising food prices and economic hardship. As communities mourn their losses, calls grow louder for more regulated and secure methods of distributing aid to those in need.