Abimbola Adelakun left Ibadan, the city of Brown Roofs, to study and live a new life in Austin, the Bat City. Her next abode is now the Windy City, where she has accepted a prestigious offer at the University of Chicago. Let me take the story from the middle, as the beginning is too long.

It is unusual in American universities to be retained for a job where you obtained your PhD. This is to avoid the inbreeding common in Nigerian universities where many faculty graduated from the same department, compromising integrity, reproducing tired ideas, and halting the transitions to new intellectual orientations. In such a system, the older person becomes the most brilliant, the Baba of the Department. Your fate depends on loyalty to Baba and not the academic discipline.

In Ms Adelakun’s case, the signs of possible unusual retention at the University of Texas at Austin, where she obtained her PhD, arrived when I was in faraway Pretoria during the intense competition for a vacant position. Professor Moyo Okediji, on the same campus, sent a crisp and exciting email: have you seen the video of her job performance? No, I was not in the country. Then he added, “The talk will give her a job at the best university in the world.” Okediji, a one-third scholar, one-third artist, and one-third Ifa practitioner, probably combined three powerful arsenals to predict a future for a first-rate scholar. Okejiji’s divination tray has validated an Odu on success: Ms Adelakun is now moving on to greater glory!

My wife calls her a “preeminent professional,” always full of praise for Ms Adelakun’s hard work, weekly writing in PUNCH, and prolific book publishing. She is also a competent organiser. Some years ago, when funds arrived to establish the first Center of Nigerian Studies in the United States, I asked her to create the Center without telling her about the money to run it. She declined. I aborted the project because I could not transfer such a considerable amount to the professional career wreckers that surround me.

Let me do what I like to do best: second-order thinking. Societies have long been known to survive on certain practices. Such practices have, in the past, paved the way for a new understanding of the key concepts that are central to the smooth functioning of society and, by extension, explain the values to which such a society commits. In the African setting, just like in any part of the world, our societies are known to respect and honor exceptionality through various means. For a long time, acknowledging these exceptions has been a way to portray the essence of standing out and to create an enabling environment that allows others, especially the youths, to pursue greatness. While this short analogy may not capture the essence of these thoughts, one can categorically say that the emergence of local chieftaincy titles, honorary titles as seen in our cities, did not spur out of mere desires. Rather, they are preconceived thoughts to honour and eulogise outstanding personalities while conveying to others that excellence pays.

Even though this piece is not targeted at a chieftaincy divestiture or ceremony, it holds the same credence and importance as the examples mentioned earlier. It is equally a celebration of an eminent personality and, simultaneously, a day to drive a message home for emerging young men and women. As a custodian of history, it will pass as an injustice to the community I represent if I fail to commit to the documentation of rare human history in a time when priorities have changed. Fame has yet to be redefined by social whims. It will be a shame to deprive the coming generation of opportunities to meet with legends, eminent personalities, and great contributors to our world because we fail to document them.

Hence, there is a commitment to the exaltation of great individuals like Ms Adelakun. Without mincing words, our world today has seen and eulogized superheroes of different shades. Some have always been in the limelight and have become household names, and some alternate between the two, coming into public view and retiring behind the curtains as the cases demand. Such is the lifestyle of Ms Adelakun, a public intellectual. She is a hero, an enigma that deserves all the mentions possible in the world.

Born in the brown-roofs city of Ibadan, Nigeria, Ms Adelakun had her basic education up to the tertiary level, attaining undergraduate and master’s degrees in Communication and Language Arts from the University of Ibadan. Not one to be deterred by boundaries and limitations, Ms Adelakun found her way from Ibadan to the four walls of the University of Texas at Austin in a relentless pursuit for knowledge, where she bagged another MA degree and then a doctoral degree in Theatre and Dance. These feats are a rare demonstration of her doggedness and drive for greatness, commitment to truth, and academic scholarship.

Ms Adelakun has an unmistakable aura for scholarship and impact. Her academic pursuits, as it appears, are diverse and profound. Despite the peculiar nature of these specialisations, she did not fail to explore the width and breadth of her interest while building authority and relevance with credible research works around the intersections of politics, African spirituality, religion, theatre, and dance. Her research work goes beyond the abstract. Her ability to intertwine research into contemporary human society resonates with the experiences of many who have seen, read, and digested her work.

A notable masterpiece by Ms Adelakun that fits the above description would be her seminal work, Performing Power in Nigeria: Identity, Politics, and Pentecostalism, published by Cambridge University Press in 2022. The book offers an introspective look into the world of Nigerian Pentecostals, discussing the complexities attached to asserting power and sustaining identities in a diverse socio-political society. Through this incisive examination, Ms Adelakun provided an unmatched analysis of the performative aspects of Pentecostalism and the intricate intersections between religion and performance in shaping societal norms and individual identities.

 It is not uncommon to find a high level of unpopularity for research works of this nature outside academics. However, with a keener look into the complexities attached, one cannot but salute Ms Adelakun for a job well done. For instance, one may not appreciate the beauty of Performing Power in Nigeria except with a prior understanding of how societies employ religious expressions in tandem with political ambitions. Just as she delved into how our Pentecostals used sermons, rituals, body language, and music to maintain relevance, Ms Adelakun’s work uncovers the profound, often uncomfortable truths about authority, identity, and collective imagination in Nigeria. She is a tough analyst!

Her exemplary scholarship is characterised by boundless curiosity forged in a mind of inquiry. She is fully absorbed in challenging simplistic narratives on gender theories, African spirituality, performance arts, and race theories, amongst other seemingly contrasting yet connected topics, creating a vibrant fusion between these topics of noticeable disparities. In the classroom, she is the epitome of the noble profession she is so endeared to. She teaches her students with a vigour and passion that helps guide her students not only to learn alone but also to develop innate abilities to question, analyse, deconstruct, and create scenarios from an informed perspective.

Enviably, Ms Adelakun maintains a front row when standing tall to speak the truth. While many academics may prefer a retreat into the comfort zone of their profession, away from public space, she, on her part, chose the very opposite. She strides boldly into the public square through her weekly column, Thursdays with Abimbola Adelakun in The PUNCHnewspaper, where she pens down thought-provoking and awakening ideas as she confronts Nigeria’s deep-seated issues of corruption, religious exploitation, gender inequality, educational decay, and political malpractices for about two decades now.

Her approach as a columnist is straightforward. Her pen is unflinching. Where others sidestep and rebrand controversial topics, she displays bravery by meeting them head-on, shedding light on the moral failures of leadership, and bringing up societal norms that perpetuate injustice while advocating fiercely for the marginalised. Her critiques are informed and not driven by cynicism or shadowy intentions. Instead, they are birthed by an abiding hope that Nigeria and Africa can improve. Even in the face of backlash, especially on issues with core religious undertones, our hero remains undeterred and continues to forge ahead in creating impact. In her case, it is true that “true patriotism lies not in blind loyalty but in the courage to hold one’s country accountable.”

To call Ms Adelakun an enigma is not out of place because how do you explain the brilliance she displays in bridging worlds with art and thought? She is a master at what she does. Outside the scope of academics and journalism is a creative spirit with breathtaking delivery. To her credit are books offering reflections on everyday happenings in human society. Prominent amongst her creative work is Under the Brown Rusted Roofs, a novel that provides poignant views of a fictitious reflection of her Nigerian upbringing, throwing light into the lives of a polygamous family tied to the true nature of post-colonial legacies in a frantic battle for survival amidst fractured dreams. The book is not just literature; it passes more as an archaeological excavation of the actual realities of marginalised persons: women and children in a patriarchal society, an unconcerned elite class, and a desperate search for meaning where hope seems to be lost.

It would be an outright disservice to an outstanding personality like Ms Adelakun if I fail to mention her humane nature and selfless contribution to society. As part of her beliefs in giving back to society, she portrays her ideals through involvement in community initiatives like the Women’s Storybook Project of Texas, which seeks out incarcerated mothers and records them while reading to their children. Though simple, the act is yet profound as it bridges the gap between the mothers and their kids while preserving familial bonds at the barest minimum against the odds. In addition to these humanitarian acts are the countless hours spent mentoring students in the university, especially in owning their narratives and challenging systemic barriers that may impede their academic excellence.

Ms Adelakun’s celebration today is not just for her impressive resume; it is to testify to the greatness of a woman who dares while others dodge. It is a story of one who mentors, heals with words, and preserves culture while preaching progress. Adelakun’s career has shown that her life’s work revives the connection between the principles of education, art, and activism; they are but interconnected variables of societal development, healing, and transformation.

As we honour a living legend, we should be reminded that legends are not only those whose names are filled in the books. Some are amongst us, questioning, teaching, writing, creating, and loving. We reaffirm our commitment to truth, justice, and excellence in celebrating exceptional individuals. In an eloquent closing statement she might appreciate, I say that celebrating Ms Adelakun today is not just a tribute to her past or present but an investment in the future she tirelessly works to shape.

Toyin Falola, a professor of History, University Distinguished Teaching Professor, and Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at The University of Texas at Austin

Nigerian manufacturers are struggling under the weight of escalating energy costs, which now consume approximately 40% of production expenses, according to industry leaders.

Total expenditure on alternative energy sources reached N1.11 trillion in 2024, marking a 42.3% increase from N781.68 billion in 2023, as revealed by Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN) Director General Segun Ajayi-Kadir in the association's economic review for the second half of 2024.

"Unreliable grid power and increasing diesel and PMS prices have forced manufacturers to significantly increase spending on alternative energy," Ajayi-Kadir explained. "Expenditure rose from N404.80 billion in H1 2024 to N708.07 billion in H2 2024, representing a 75.0% increase."

Sector-specific impacts were substantial, with the Food, Beverage & Tobacco sector's alternative energy spending rising to N229.41 billion from N182.76 billion in 2023. The Chemical & Pharmaceutical sector saw costs double to N208.68 billion, while the Non-Metallic Mineral Products sector experienced a 33.7% increase to N118.49 billion. Most dramatically, the Textile, Apparel & Footwear industry's energy costs quadrupled to N26.45 billion, up from N6.97 billion in 2023.

Despite electricity supply improving to an average of 13.3 hours daily in 2024 (up from 10.6 hours in 2023), manufacturers faced significant challenges as electricity tariffs for Band A consumers surged by over 200%. Supply increased from 11.4 hours per day in H1 2024 to 15.2 hours in H2 2024, but frequent outages remained problematic, with the country experiencing 12 national grid collapses during the period.

Compounding these challenges, manufacturers' finance costs totaled N1.3 trillion, severely limiting investment and expansion opportunities. Commercial bank lending rates to manufacturers jumped to 35.5% in 2024 from 28.06% in 2023, driven by continuous Central Bank of Nigeria rate hikes that pushed the Monetary Policy Rate to 27.50%.

Ajayi-Kadir noted that the Nigerian manufacturing sector confronted numerous obstacles throughout 2024, including high inflation, foreign exchange volatility, increasing production costs, and weakening consumer demand. While some sectors showed resilience and increased local sourcing of raw materials, overall output remained subdued.

Suspended Kogi Central Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan on Sunday delivered a blistering, sarcastic "apology" to Senate President Godswill Akpabio, ridiculing his alleged sexual advances and the Senate’s punitive measures against her.

The letter, dripping with irony, was released to the press while Akpabio is abroad attending the late Pope Francis’ funeral in Rome. It marks the latest escalation in their feud, which began when Natasha accused Akpabio of victimizing her after she rejected his purported harassment.

Natasha was suspended on March 6 following clashes with Senate leadership over seating arrangements she claimed targeted her. The conflict intensified when she publicly accused Akpabio of retaliation, citing the withdrawal of her security, salary cuts, and a six-month suspension.

Despite a court order barring both parties from discussing the case, Natasha’s letter—framed as a faux apology—mocked Akpabio’s ego, entitlement, and the Senate’s alleged culture of transactional politics.

Her letter reads:

"Dear Distinguished Senate President Godswill Akpabio,

It is with the deepest sarcasm and utmost theatrical regret that I apologize for the grave offense of possessing dignity in your exalted presence. How foolish of me to assume my Senate seat was earned through votes, not through… other means.

I now see the error of my ways: I failed to grasp that legislative success here isn’t about merit, but compliance—of a very personal nature. My refusal to indulge your ‘requests’ was clearly a breach of the unwritten rules of male entitlement. For this, I prostrate in imaginary remorse.

Forgive my naïve belief that competence outweighs capitulation, or that my mandate mattered more than private dinners behind closed doors. My actions have caused great distress—delayed bills, wounded egos (so vast they need their own ZIP codes), and a tragic disruption of the sacred ‘quid pro quo’ order.

“May your magnanimous heart—buried somewhere beneath layers of entitlement—pardon this ‘stubborn woman’ who thought her place in the Senate came from democracy, not… other rising interests.

“Yours in eternal defiance,

Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan.

“Unafraid. Unbought. Unbroken."

The letter underscores Natasha’s refusal to back down, turning her suspension into a platform for satire and defiance. Legal proceedings continue, but the war of words—and wit—rages on.

Suspected Boko Haram terrorists have killed at least 14 people, including farmers and vigilantes, in a series of attacks near Pulka town in Gwoza Local Government Area of Borno State.

The Emir of Gwoza, Mohammed Shehu Timta, confirmed the tragic incident, explaining that two members of the Civilian Joint Task Force (JTF) were ambushed and killed along the Kirawa road under Pulka District on Friday. The next day, 12 other civilians—mostly farmers and firewood collectors—were attacked and killed while clearing their farmlands in preparation for the upcoming rainy season.

According to Abba Shehu Timta, the political administrator of the district, the terrorists launched the deadly assault from their camp in nearby Vlei village. Search and rescue operations, supported by troops, were ongoing in the surrounding bush areas, with fears that the death toll could rise.

“We buried 10 victims and evacuated two others with life-threatening injuries to Maiduguri for medical treatment,” Emir Timta said. “It’s a sad day for our community, losing brave Civilian JTF members who dedicated their lives to protecting us.”

The Emir offered prayers for the deceased, asking God to grant them eternal rest and give their families strength to bear the loss. He also praised the efforts of the military and the state government in combating insurgency but appealed for greater use of technology such as drones to more effectively tackle the jihadist threat.

The attacks come at a critical time as farmers prepare their fields for the planting season. Fear has now gripped the community, with many too scared to return to their farmlands, raising concerns about food security.

Boko Haram and its splinter group, the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), have increasingly targeted farmers, fishermen, and firewood collectors in Borno, accusing them of collaborating with the military and local militias. Since the insurgency began in 2009, over 40,000 people have been killed and around two million displaced across northeastern Nigeria. The violence has also spilled into neighboring Chad, Niger, and Cameroon, prompting a regional military response.

Despite military gains, including the recapture of Gwoza town in 2015, Boko Haram militants continue to operate from hideouts in the Mandara Mountains and other remote areas, sustaining a cycle of deadly raids, abductions, and destruction.

Israel says it strikes Hezbollah missiles in southern Beirut

The Israeli army said on Sunday it struck a southern Beirut building being used to store precision missiles belonging to Hezbollah.

The attack was a further test of a fragile ceasefire between Israel and the Iranian-backed militant group.

A huge plume of smoke billowed from the building, Reuters live footage showed, almost an hour after the Israeli army issued an evacuation order to residents of the Hadath neighbourhood.

Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz said in a statement that Hezbollah's precision missiles "posed a significant threat to the State of Israel". There was no immediate comment from Hezbollah.

The latest strike adds to strains on the U.S.-brokered ceasefire that ended last year's devastating conflict between Israel and Hezbollah.

"Today's strike on the southern suburbs of Beirut generated panic and fear of renewed violence among those desperate for a return to normalcy," Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert, U.N. Special Coordinator for Lebanon, said on X.

"We urge all sides to halt any actions that could further undermine the cessation of hostilities understanding and the implementation of SCR 1701," she added, referring to the United Nations Security Council resolution that ended the month-long war between Israel and Hezbollah in 2006.

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun called on the United States and France, as guarantors of the ceasefire agreement struck in November, to compel Israel to stop its attacks.

"Israel's continued actions in undermining stability will exacerbate tensions and place the region at real risk, threatening its security and stability," he said in a statement.

Earlier this month an Israeli airstrike killed four people, including a Hezbollah official, in Beirut's southern suburbs -the second Israeli strike on a Hezbollah-controlled area of the Lebanese capital in five days.

The attacks on southern Beirut have resumed at a time of broader escalation in hostilities in the region, with Israel having restarted Gaza strikes after a two-month truce and the United States hitting the Iranian-backed Houthis of Yemen in a bid to get them to stop attacking Red Sea shipping.

Israel has dealt severe blows to Hezbollah in the war, killing thousands of its fighters, destroying much of its arsenal and eliminating its top leadership, including Hassan Nasrallah.

Hezbollah has denied any role in recent rocket attacks from Lebanon towards Israel.

Reuters

WESTERN PERSPECTIVE

Trump urges Russia to stop attacks; Rubio says US might walk away from peace efforts

President Donald Trump urged Russia on Sunday to stop its attacks in Ukraine while his top diplomat said the United States might walk away from peace efforts if it does not see progress.

Speaking to reporters in New Jersey, Trump said he was disappointed that Russia has continued to attack Ukraine, and said his one-on-one meetingwith Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy at the Vatican on Saturday had gone well.

"I see him as calmer. I think he understands the picture, and I think he wants to make a deal," Trump said of Zelenskiy.

U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, meanwhile, said the Trump administration might abandon its attempts to broker a deal if Russia and Ukraine do not make headway.

"It needs to happen soon," Rubio told the NBC program "Meet the Press.'" "We cannot continue to dedicate time and resources to this effort if it's not going to come to fruition."

Trump and Zelenskiy, in Rome for the funeral of Pope Francis, met in a Vatican basilica on Saturday to try to revive faltering efforts to end the war in Ukraine. The meeting was the first between the two leaders since an angry encounter in the White House Oval Office in February and comes at a critical time in negotiations aimed at bringing an end to the conflict.

Trump rebuked Russian President Vladimir Putin after that meeting, saying on social media that there is "no reason" for Russia to shoot missiles into civilian areas.

In a pre-taped interview that aired on the CBS program "Face the Nation" on Sunday, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said Russia would continue to target sites used by Ukraine's military. When asked about a Russian strike on Kyiv last week that killed civilians, Lavrov said that "the target attacked was not something absolutely civilian" and that Russia targets only "sites which are used by the military."

Zelenskiy wrote on the messaging app Telegram that his top military commander reported that Russia had already conducted nearly 70 attacks on Sunday.

"The situation at the front and the real activity of the Russian army prove that there is currently insufficient pressure on Russia from the world to end this war," Zelenskiy said.

DIFFERING PROPOSALS

Ukrainian and European officials pushed back last week against some U.S. proposals on how to end the war, making counterproposals on issues from territory to sanctions.

American proposals called for U.S. recognition of Russia's control over Crimea, the Ukrainian peninsula that Moscow seized and annexed in 2014, as well as de facto recognition of Russia's hold on other parts of Ukraine.

In contrast, the European and Ukrainian proposal defers detailed discussion about territory until after a ceasefire is concluded.

German Defense Minister Boris Pistorius said on Sunday that Ukraine should not agree to the American proposal, saying it went too far in ceding swathes of territory in return for a ceasefire.

Mike Waltz, Trump's national security adviser, said the U.S. president has "expressed his frustration" at both Putin and Zelenskiy but remains determined to help negotiate an agreement. Waltz also said the United States and Ukraine would eventually reach an agreement over rare earth minerals.

Chuck Schumer, the top U.S. Senate Democrat, said on Sunday that he is concerned Trump will "cave in to Putin."

"To just abandon Ukraine, after all the sacrifice that they made, after so much loss of life, and with the rallying of the whole West against Putin, it would just be a moral tragedy," Schumer said on CNN's "State of the Union" program.

RUSSIAN PERSPECTIVE

Moscow accuses Ukrainian troops of killing civilians seeking food

The Russian Investigative Committee has collected new evidence and gathered accounts of alleged war crimes committed during the Ukrainian invasion of Kursk Region, including killings of civilians looking for food and murders during widespread looting.

The agency highlighted a handful of new cases over the week, sharing the accounts of those who survived the Ukrainian occupation. A woman from the village of Plekhovo testified that Ukrainian troops murdered her son in early September 2024, as he tried to retrieve some food from his house.

“According to the mother’s testimony, the man’s body was found with multiple gunshot wounds and his hands tied,” Investigative Committee spokeswoman Svetlana Petrenko said. The woman also testified that the Ukrainians went on a looting spree immediately after entering the region in early August last year, breaking into homes and garages to steal people’s belongings, as well as their cars.

A similar incident was reported by a resident of Bondarevka, a village near the town of Sudzha. The woman told investigators that Ukrainian forces killed a local man who had gone to get some bread. The civilian was gunned down as he rode his bike in the street, according to the eyewitness.

A resident of Dmitryukov, a small village to the southeast of the city of Sudzha, testified that his father was killed by Ukrainian troops, who demanded his car, threatening to burn the vehicle and his house down. Although the man surrendered his vehicle, the Ukrainians still shot and killed him.

All of the incidents are being investigated under separate criminal cases, with those behind them facing assorted charges, including premeditated murder, terrorism, and marauding.

Mounting evidence of war crimes committed by Ukrainian forces in Russia’s Kursk Region began emerging early this year, as Moscow gradually reclaimed its territory. The most notable incidents include massacres in the villages of Russkoye Porechnoye and Nikolayevo-Daryino, where dozens of civilians are said to have been raped, tortured, and killed by Ukrainian troops. Several captured Ukrainian servicemen admitted under interrogation that they committed the crimes, insisting they were acting on the orders of their superiors.

On Saturday, Russian President Vladimir Putin announced that Ukrainian forces had been completely driven out of Kursk Region. According to Moscow’s latest estimates, Ukrainian losses during the incursion amounted to more than 76,000 servicemen killed and wounded, with the force sustaining heavy material losses as well.

Reuters/RT

On 13 December 1972, Zambia’s founding president, Kenneth Kaunda, signed into law the Constitution (Amendment) Acts, numbers 3,4 and 5, ending the country’s First Republic and ushering in a new constitution for the country, which promised a “One-Party Participatory Democracy” under “one and only one party…., namely, the United National Independence Party (UNIP).” All of this was to be realised under an official ideology of “Humanism.” The previous day, Zambia’s Court of Appeal had thrown out the case brought by veteran nationalist, Harry Nkumbula, in his appeal from the decision of the High Court dismissing his case against the establishment of a one-party state.

The developments leading to Zambia’s chastening detour into one-party authoritarianism under President Kaunda should offer an object lesson to President Bola Tinubu and all the people cheering him on in his transparent machinations to turn Nigeria into a single-party experiment, denuded of opposition parties.

Zambia’s march to one-party rule began following the general election in December 1968. At that election, the ruling UNIP of Kaunda had won an overwhelming majority. The African National Congress (ANC) of Harry Nkumbula came a distant second, with a handful of members of parliament confined to Nkumbula’s stronghold in the southern province.

The constitution adopted at Zambia’s independence in 1964 established a multi-party system of government. In 1940, Godwin Lewanika emerged as the president of the Northern Rhodesia Congress, the first organised political party in the country that would later come to be known as Zambia. 11 years later, the party became known as Northern Rhodesia African National Congress, under the leadership of Nkumbula, a teacher. Kaunda emerged two years later as the secretary-general of the party.

As their advocacy against white rule intensified, Nkumbula became more emollient, while Kaunda became radicalised. Following a split in the party, Kaunda emerged in 1958 as the factional leader of the Zambia African National Congress (ZANC). In March 1959, the party was banned and Kaunda herded into jail. UNIP was formed from the ashes of the banned ZANC, while Kaunda was in detention. Upon his release, Kaunda was installed leader of UNIP. In April 1961, Nkumbula was imprisoned for causing death by dangerous driving. By the time he emerged from jail in January 1962, Kaunda had eclipsed him politically.

Kaunda’s UNIP led the country to independence in 1964, with Nkumbula as leader of the opposition. Following the December 1968 elections, however, speaker of the National Assembly, Robinson Nabulyato, declined to recognise Nkumbula’s ANC as the leader of the opposition, claiming that the party could neither form a quorum nor execute the business of parliament or government. In doing this, Nabulyato channeled his party leader, Kaunda, who, mistaking himself for the country, had declared on the eve of Christmas in 1968: “I cannot see how I can continue to pay a police officer or civil servant who works for Nkumbula…. How dare they bite the hand that feeds them? They must learn that it pays to belong to UNIP.”

As Kaunda centralised power in and around himself, party management became more embittered into a contest between Zambia’s ethnic rivalries. In February 1972, with his most prominent political opponents detained, Kaunda appointed a Commission to work out the modalities for a new constitution on the basis of a single-party rule.

The job of the Commission was not to inquire whether the country desired to be run on the basis of one-party rule. Kaunda had already decided that it would. The only issue was how to bring that about. Comprising 21 members, Kaunda tapped Mainza Chona, his loyal vice-president, to chair the Commission. Nkumbula, leader of the ANC, declined his nomination as a member of the Commission. Reflecting the skeptical mood of the country, a basic education teacher advised the Commission at one of its public hearings that “the National Assembly should be turned into flats, since there was a housing shortage in Lusaka (the capital city) and no need for parliament in a one-party state.”

In October 1972, the Mainza Chona Commission reported to Kaunda. Shortly before receiving the report, Kaunda dismissed opponents of single party rule as “idiots and lost sheep”; told the public service that they existed “to serve the party in power”; and informed “the churches and the judiciary that their continued independence rested on being effective ‘mirror reflections’ of the nation”, which he subsumed in the ruling party.

Things moved swiftly thereafter. One month after receiving the report, in November 1972, Kaunda issued his white paper on the recommendations of the Mainza Chona Commission. On 8 December 1972, Zambia’s National Assembly did something that observers of Godswill Akpabio’s 10th National Assembly will by now have grown used to: the parliament suspended their rules and standing orders and, in one swift afternoon session, passed three separate bills to amend the constitution, rushing each through first, second and third readings without debate or discussion.

Four days later, the Court of Appeal perfunctorily dispensed with Nkumbula’s legal challenge. The following day, Kaunda signed the bills into law heralding the arrival of Zambia’s second Republic as a single-party state.

The new Constitution itself was not published until May 1973. The following month, on 27 June 1973, Nkumbula entered into the so-called Choma Declaration, dissolving his ANC and announcing that he and the remaining members of Parliament from his party had joined Kaunda’s UNIP. His capitulation was complete as was Kaunda’s transformation into the autocrat that he dearly desired to be. Delta’s State’s Sheriff Oborevwori in Nigeria will be relieved to know that he is not without storied predecessors in the pantheon of political harlotry.

Zambia was not the only country in which the judiciary acted as midwife to dismantling democratic pluralism and replacing it with a one-party autocracy. At its 1965-66 session, Sierra Leone’s parliament adopted a resolution asking the government to “give serious consideration to the introduction of a One Party System of government.” To implement this resolution, in April 1966, the government constituted a committee with the Orwellian mission to “collate and assess all views on the One Party System both in and out of Parliament and to make recommendations on the type of One Party System suitable for Sierra Leone.”

Three months later, the government issued its White Paper on the recommendations of the Committee. On 3 January 1967, the Supreme Court of Sierra Leone buried the legal challenge to the process of converting the country into single-party rule under a rash of legal technicalities. Unknown to them, Sierra Leone’s descent into eventual conflict in the next generation had begun.

It is impossible to behold the orchestrated emptying of opposition political parties currently on-going in Nigeria without recalling these examples from sister African countries, which presaged deeper descent into constitutional instability. The return of Tinubu to the country after his extended Lenten retreat to the land of the Marian Apparition (in Lourdes) has coincided with a rush of politicians seeking to outdo one another in emptying the country of viable political parties.

Ironically, Tinubu himself represents the example of a politician who resisted this tendency. After President Olusegun Obasanjo’s Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) stole nearly all of the South-West from his Alliance for Democracy (AD) in 2003, Tinubu, then the only surviving opposition governor in the region, refused to give in. It took him two decades of back-breaking rebuilding to work his way to the top of the political grease-pole in the country. As he embarks on his own transparent journey to a “one-party participatory democracy”, Tinubu may wish to be reminded that of the major misfortunes in life, few are as ruinous as the tragedy of fulfilled desires.

** Chidi Anselm Odinkalu, a professor of law, teaches at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy and can be reached through This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it..

Prioritizing your joy can feel like an abstract assignment that, frankly, many of us don’t have time for. That’s why my favorite question to ask psychologists and mental health experts is, “How can we boost our happiness in just a few minutes, today?”

I’ve gotten some great responses. Giving someone a compliment can make you feel better, Yale University psychology professor Laurie Santos said. Anna Lembke, chief of the Stanford Addiction Medicine Dual Diagnosis Clinic and author of “Dopamine Nation,” told me to delete an app that I wish I used less for 30 days.    

One of the answers I found most useful came from Vienna Pharaon, a therapist and author of “The Origins of You.” To boost your mood quickly, Pharaon suggests executing a task you’ve been avoiding.

"Addressing something you've been ignoring lightens the load and allows you to accomplish something that's been weighing you down," she says.

It doesn’t have to be a traditional chore, or one that requires you to overextend yourself. “Going to bed earlier, drinking more water, having a hard conversation, getting in a challenging workout, putting your phone down at night” all can count, Pharaon says. 

If you have a larger project that you can’t do quickly, break it up into smaller tasks you can tackle in five to 10 minutes. Deep cleaning your kitchen, for example, might take a couple hours, but you can probably empty out your fridge pretty fast. 

For me, advice like this makes pursuing a more joyful life seem less ambiguous and more doable.

CNBC

Presidents, royalty and simple mourners bade farewell to Pope Francis on Saturday at a solemn funeral ceremony, where a cardinal appealed for the pontiff's legacy of caring for migrants, the downtrodden and the environment to be kept alive.

U.S. President Donald Trump sat with the rows of foreign dignitaries on one side of Francis' coffin in the vast St. Peter's Square.

On the other side sat cardinals who will pick Francis' successor at a conclave next month, deciding if the new pope should continue with the late pontiff's push for a more open Church or cede to conservatives who want to return to a more traditional papacy.

The Argentine pope, who reigned for 12 years, died at the age of 88 on Monday after suffering a stroke.

"Rich in human warmth and deeply sensitive to today's challenges, Pope Francis truly shared the anxieties, sufferings and hopes of this time," said Italian Cardinal Giovanni Battista Re, who presided over the funeral Mass.

In spiritual language, the 91-year-old Re gave a simple message: there was no going back. The first pontiff from Latin America had been "attentive to the signs of the times and what the Holy Spirit was awakening in the Church," he said.

Francis repeatedly called for an end to conflict during his papacy. His funeral provided an opportunity for Trump, who is pushing for a deal to end Russia's war with Ukraine, to meet Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy inside St. Peter's Basilica.

Applause rang out as Francis' coffin, inlaid with a large cross, was brought out of the basilica and into the sun-filled square by 14 white-gloved pallbearers at the start of the Mass.

The Vatican estimated more than 250,000 people attended the ceremony, cramming the square and the roads around.

The crowds clapped loudly again at the end of the service when the ushers picked up the casket and tilted it slightly so more people could see.

Aerial views of the Vatican showed a patchwork of colours - black from the dark garb of the world's leaders, red from the vestments of some 250 cardinals, the purple worn by some of the 400 bishops and the white worn by 4,000 attending priests.

After the funeral, as the great bells of St. Peter's pealed in mourning, the coffin was placed on an open-topped popemobile and driven through the heart of Rome to St. Mary Major Basilica.

Francis, who shunned much of the pomp and privilege of the papacy, had asked to be buried there rather than in St. Peter's -- the first time a pope had been laid to rest outside the Vatican in more than a century.

The burial itself was conducted in private.

The popemobile left the Vatican from the Perugino Gate, a side entrance just yards away from the Santa Marta guesthouse where Francis had chosen to live, instead of the ornate Renaissance apartments in the papal palace.

Crowds estimated by police as numbering some 150,000 lined the 5.5-km (3.4-mile) route to St. Mary Major. The scene resembled many popemobile rides Francis took in his 47 trips to all corners of the world.

Some in the crowd waved signs and others threw flowers towards the casket. They shouted "viva il papa" (long live the pope) and "ciao, Francesco" (goodbye, Francis) as the procession made its way around Rome's ancient monuments, including the Colosseum.

Reuters