Nigeria imported N237.3 billion worth of solar panels in the last quarter of 2024, underscoring the country’s growing shift towards renewable energy amid a worsening public power supply crisis.

According to data from the Foreign Trade Statistics report by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), the bulk of these imports—N228.9 billion worth—came from China. The category listed as “Photovoltaic cells not assembled in modules or made up into panels” reflects Nigeria’s increasing reliance on alternative energy sources as the national grid remains unreliable.

A Response to a Failing Grid

The surge in solar panel imports highlights the persistent failure of Nigeria’s public power supply, which has long been plagued by inadequate generation, frequent grid collapses, and aging infrastructure. Despite government efforts to improve the electricity sector, millions of households and businesses continue to experience erratic power supply, forcing them to seek alternative solutions.

For years, Nigerians have relied on diesel and petrol generators, but soaring fuel costs—driven by the removal of subsidies and forex volatility—have made solar power a more attractive option. The growing affordability of Chinese-manufactured solar panels has further accelerated adoption, as more homes and businesses look for stable and cost-effective energy solutions.

Solar Energy: A Growing Industry

With worsening grid failures, the demand for solar energy systems has surged, creating a booming market for solar technology in Nigeria. Private companies, startups, and foreign investors are increasingly entering the space, offering off-grid and mini-grid solutions to rural and urban communities alike.

However, while the rise in solar adoption is a positive step toward energy diversification, it also exposes the government’s failure to provide a stable electricity supply. Nigeria, despite being Africa’s largest economy, still struggles with an electricity access rate of around 55%, leaving nearly half of its population without reliable power.

The Way Forward

The increasing reliance on solar power should serve as a wake-up call for policymakers to accelerate reforms in the electricity sector. Investment in grid expansion, transmission infrastructure, and renewable energy incentives could help reduce dependence on imports and strengthen Nigeria’s domestic energy production.

Until then, Nigerians will continue to turn to solar solutions—not by choice, but out of necessity—reflecting the harsh reality of a nation still battling one of its most critical infrastructure failures.

The Eko Electricity Distribution Company (EKEDC) has reported that soldiers entered their substation and took two staff members into custody early Friday morning, allegedly due to power supply concerns.

Speaking to TheCable on Sunday, Babatunde Lasaki, EKEDC's general manager of corporate communications and strategy, confirmed that military personnel from the 15th Field Engineer Regiment, Topo Barracks, Badagry forcibly accessed the substation premises around 1:00 AM on March 14th.

According to Lasaki, the soldiers detained both a distribution substation operator and a security guard who were on duty. The staff reportedly sustained injuries after being physically assaulted, though they were released later that same morning.

Lasaki explained that the power outage prompting the incident was caused by an ongoing upgrade project at the Transmission Company of Nigeria's Agbara facility. He noted that this information had previously been communicated to "Lt. Col. S.L. Lawn," the commanding officer of the barracks.

While no infrastructure was damaged during the incident, EKEDC has filed a police report and submitted a formal complaint to military leadership in Abuja.

This follows a similar occurrence on March 6th, when Nigerian Air Force personnel reportedly entered Ikeja Electricity Distribution Company premises following an electricity disconnection at Sam Ethnan Air Force Base. In that incident, IKEDC reported office vandalism, staff assault, and theft of company property.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

Yemen's al-Houthi leads defiant force under US attack

Abdul Malik al-Houthi, the leader of Yemen's Houthi fighters whose Red Sea attacks have drawn U.S. strikes, has emerged as Iran's most prominent Arab ally and an enduring thorn in Israel's side after many of its enemies were killed in the last year.

Al-Houthi, who is in his 40s, had already led his group through a decade of war against a powerful Saudi-led coalition when it waded into conflict with Israel, declaring solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza after the Hamas-led October 7 attacks.

After weeks of relative calm in Red Sea shipping lanes following a Gaza ceasefire in January, the Houthis warned on March 12 they would resume attacks on Israeli vessels in response to Israel's closure of Gaza's crossings.

Appearing in a broadcast speech with a traditional Yemeni dagger in his belt, al-Houthi called Israel's blockade a crime against humanity that could not be ignored and accused Arab states of inaction.

An enigmatic figure with a reputation as a fierce commander, al-Houthi has remained defiant despite U.S. military retaliation for his group's attacks on shipping and Israeli blows to his Iran-backed allies.

These included the killing of Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah in last year's Lebanon war, the assassination of Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh, and the elimination in Gaza of Yahya Sinwar, an architect of Hamas' October 7 cross-border raids.

"The Houthi movement is now the leading Arab member of the Iran-led axis, following Hezbollah's defeat. They're filling Nasrallah's position in defending Gaza," said Mohanad Hage Ali of the Carnegie Middle East Center.

"Supporting Gaza is a popular act inside Yemen. They have been bombed for many months now by the U.S., and before that for years by Saudi Arabia, so they are very resilient."

In February, al-Houthi threatened military action if the United States and Israel sought to displace Palestinians from Gaza and called U.S. President Donald Trump a criminal.

A series of U.S. strikes against Houthi targets in Yemen on Saturday included the town of Dahyan in Saada, where al-Houthi often meets visitors. However, the battlefield commander rarely stays long in one place, never meets the media, and is known for an extreme reluctance to appear in public.

Under al-Houthi's direction, his movement of mountain fighters has grown to number tens of thousands and has built an increasingly sophisticated arsenal, including drones and ballistic missiles.

SHI'ITE INFLUENCE

Yemen's civil war erupted in late 2014 when the Houthis seized the capital Sanaa. Worried by the growing influence of Shi'ite Iran along its border, Saudi Arabia led a Western-backed coalition in March 2015 to support the Saudi-backed government.

The Houthis established control over much of the north and other large population centres, while the internationally recognised government based itself in the port city of Aden.

The war, which has abated since a ceasefire in 2022, has killed tens of thousands, devastated Yemen's economy and left millions hungry.

During its most intense phase, the conflict featured Houthi attacks on Saudi Arabia. In January 2022, they also launched a missile attack on Gulf commercial hub the United Arab Emirates, like Saudi Arabia a key U.S. ally.

In a speech in 2022, al-Houthi said his goal was to be able to strike any target in Saudi Arabia or the UAE, both major OPEC oil producers who view Iran and its proxies as major security threats to the Middle East and beyond.

The Houthis have stopped such attacks since the ceasefire. But the Yemen peace process has been stalled amid the Gaza war and Red Sea attacks.

Since the start of the war - widely seen as a proxy conflict between Riyadh and Tehran - foreign officials who dealt with al-Houthi have never met him in person, said a source familiar with the matter.

Many seeking meetings were asked to travel to the Houthi stronghold Sanaa, where a security convoy would take them to safe houses and conduct security checks before leading them to an upstairs room where al-Houthi would only appear on a screen.

His Houthi movement was formed to fight for the interests of the Zaydi Shi'ites, a minority sect that ruled a 1,000-year-old kingdom in Yemen until 1962 but felt marginalised during the 1990-2012 rule of Ali Abdullah Saleh, the first president of a unified Yemen.

The Houthis deny being puppets of Tehran and say they are fighting a corrupt system and regional aggression. Saudi Arabia and its allies accuse Iran of arming and training them, which Tehran denies.

In late 2017, the Houthis assassinated ex-president Saleh in a roadside ambush after he switched sides in the war and the movement now controls most of Yemen in a military state.

In pre-recorded speeches and sermons, al-Houthi, who traces his lineage to the Prophet Mohammad, asserts that his movement is under siege because of its religion.

"We must focus on preserving the authenticity of our Islamic affiliation and identity," he once said, "Today we are facing the most dangerous war."

Reuters

RUSSIAN PERSPECTIVE

NATO ‘peacekeepers’ in Ukraine mean war – Medvedev

The deployment of “peacekeepers” from NATO member states to Ukraine would trigger an all-out war between the military bloc and Moscow, former Russian President Dmitry Medvedev has warned.

In recent weeks, the leaders of the UK and France have ramped up discussions about such a mission.

In a post on X on Sunday, Medvedev, who currently serves as the deputy chair of Russia’s Security Council, stated that French President Emmanuel Macron and British Prime Minister Keir Starmer “are playing dumb.”

“Time and again they are told that peacekeepers must be from non-NATO states. No, we will send tens of thousands – just lay it out – you want to give military aid to the neo-Nazis in Kiev,” Medvedev charged.

“That means war with NATO. Consult with [US President Donald]Trump, scumbags,” he concluded.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov previously similarly argued that the deployment of NATO military personnel to Ukraine, even under the guise of peacekeepers, would be tantamount to the “direct, official, undisguised involvement of NATO countries in the war against Russia.”

Earlier this month, Starmer announced that Britain and France were ready to lead a “coalition of the willing” to provide military support to Kiev, including the deployment of troops and aircraft. Speaking following an emergency summit in London, he said that “not every nation will feel able to contribute, but that can’t mean that we sit back. Instead, those willing will intensify planning now with real urgency.”

“The UK is prepared to back this with boots on the ground and planes in the air, together with others,” Starmer further clarified.

Macron said Western troops would arrive in Ukraine only if and when the situation on the ground was safe for them.

Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, who attended the meeting along with several other leaders, stressed that “the presence of Italian troops in Ukraine has never been on the agenda.”

In contrast, former Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau indicated that Ottawa was considering all possible options and was not ruling out sending troops to Ukraine.

Reiterating his readiness to deploy British military personnel to the conflict zone, Starmer told Parliament earlier this month that this effort would be contingent on securing US backing.

On Monday, Danish Foreign Minister Lars Lokke Rasmussen told DR radio that “if it comes to the point where a European presence is needed for a ceasefire or peace agreement to be reached, then Denmark is in principle prepared for that.”

Commenting on the prospect of NATO troops arriving in Ukraine, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov stated last month that such a development would be “completely unacceptable to us,” citing the ramifications it would have for Russia’s national security.

WESTERN PERSPECTIVE

Russian troops battle last Ukrainian forces in Kursk region

Russia battled on Sunday to drive the last Ukrainian soldiers from western Russia, Russian officials said, after a seven-month incursion by Ukraine that aimed to distract Moscow's forces, gain a bargaining chip and rile President Vladimir Putin.

In one of the most striking battles of the three-year-old Ukraine war, Ukrainian forces smashed their way across Russia's western border in Kursk last August, marking the biggest attack on sovereign Russian territory since the Nazi invasion of 1941.

But a lightning offensive this month has reduced the area under Ukrainian control to about 110 square km (42 square miles), down from the more than 1,368 square km (528 square miles) claimed by Kyiv last year, according to open source maps.

Yuri Podolyaka, one of the most influential pro-Russian military bloggers, said Russia had pushed back Ukrainian forces to the border in some areas, though intense battles were underway and that Ukrainian forces were fighting back as they retreated.

Battlefield maps from both Ukraine and Russia showed two joined pockets of Ukrainian forces on the Russian side of the border in Kursk. Russia said it was clearing large numbers of mines in the area.

After a public appeal by U.S. President Donald Trump last week to spare "surrounded" Ukrainian troops, Putin said on Friday that Russia would guarantee the lives of Ukrainian troops in the region if they surrendered.

President Volodymyr Zelenskiy said on Saturday his troops were not surrounded but sounded the alarm over what he said could be a new Russian attack on Ukraine's northeast Sumy region, which borders Kursk.

The influential Two Majors pro-Russian military blogger said the battlefield gains of Russian forces had allowed Russia to threaten Sumy, but cautioned that Ukrainian forces had been bolstering defences there for some time.

Putin has accused Ukrainian troops of carrying out crimes against civilians in Kursk, something Kyiv denies. Ukraine says as many as 11,000 North Korean troops are fighting with Russia in Kursk, though Russia and North Korea have refused to give any details on North Korean troops there.

The fierce battle for the Kursk region has framed efforts by Trump to end what he says is a "bloodbath" war that could escalate into World War Three.

CEASEFIRE?

Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 has left hundreds of thousands of people dead and injured, displaced millions, reduced towns to rubble and triggered the sharpest confrontation for decades between Moscow and the West.

The U.S. agreed on Tuesday to resume military aid and intelligence sharingwith Ukraine after Kyiv said it was ready to support Washington's proposal for a 30-day ceasefire.

Putin said on Thursday Russia supported the truce proposal in principle, but that fighting could not be paused until a number of crucial conditions were worked out or clarified.

Putin has repeatedly said that he is ready to talk about peace though Ukraine will have to declare it will not seek NATO membership and Russia will keep all of the land that it claims in Ukraine, including some it does not control.

Russia has paid a heavy price for the invasion.

U.S. intelligence estimates say more than 100,000 Russian troops have been killed or injured, according to a 2023 assessment, while the economy has been heavily distorted by record defence spending and the toughest Western sanctions ever imposed.

Ukraine has also seen more than 100,000 troopskilled or injured, according to leaked U.S. intelligence estimates. Its economy has been shattered. One-fifth of its territory is under Russian control, and Kyiv has been unable to defeat Russia's forces despite receiving more than $260 billion in Western aid.

In the week in which former Kaduna State Governor, Nasir el-Rufai abandoned the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) to chart a different political trajectory with the Social Democratic Party (SDP), his son, Bashir, characteristically made it known that “Southern Kaduna residents will keep seeing sheghe if they continue to attack indigenous Fulani herdsmen.” 

Three things about this, among many, were chilling. One is the absence of any interest in addressing the underlying problem of coexistence between communities. The second is the enthusiastic investment in violence. The third is the indiscriminate nature of the promised violence. This was not the first time that an outburst of candour from the el-rufai clan was laced with unconcealed thirst for human blood. 

In January 2019, as the country prepared to go to the polls in a presidential election the following month, the administration of Nasir el-Rufai’s political benefactor, Muhammadu Buhari, guillotined then Chief Justice of Nigeria, Walter Onnoghen. The manner and timing of the decision drew very sharp international rebuke. In response, Governor el-Rufai went on national television to warn that any foreign observers perceived as meddling in the elections “will go back in body bags.” As influential continental news magazine, Africa Report, delicately put it, these were the words of a man who had “previous on the 'anti-meddling' approach to diplomacy.”

This “‘anti-meddling’ approach to diplomacy” appears to be a family investment. Abubakar Idris was a committed supporter of former Kano State Governor, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, who lived in Barnawa, in Kaduna South Local Government Area of Kaduna State. From there Idris, who was better known as “Dadiyata”, engaged in vigorous criticism of the ruling APC, one of whose founders happened to be Nasir el-Rufai. 

On or about 2 August 2019, Dadiyata vanished. He has not been seen since then. A digital visibility campaign to help locate his whereabouts continues under the hashtag 

#WhereIsDadiyata. Four and a half months after Dadiyata disappeared, on 23 December 2019, Bashir el-Rufai ominously tweeted: “The same clowns who encouraged him when he was creating false stories and capitalizing on lies that could endanger lives solely for political ends are the same individuals trending hashtags asking #WhereisDadiyata. Dangerous lies in the public space have consequences.” 

Less than three months later, on 11 March 2020, Bashir’s brother, Bello, currently a member of the House of Representatives, went one better with an even more chilling gloat in poor verse: “The things that we’ve done to protect the name are unsettling. But no regrets though, the name’ll echo. Years later, none greater. Death to a coward and a traitor, that’s just in my nature!”

At his inauguration as Kaduna State governor in May 2015, el-Rufai identified insecurity as “an obstacle to progress” and promised to “work with law enforcement officials to drastically reduce violent crime” and “insure safety of life and limb.” By the time he left office eight years later, he had achieved the exact opposite.

Forgetting this promise, el-Rufai as Governor brooked no criticism or opposition. No cruelty was considered beyond the pale for them. For daring to disagree with him, el-Rufai demolished the homes of the Zonal vice-chair of his party, Inuwa Abdulkadir; and of his Senator for Kaduna North, Suleiman Hunkuyi.

He was only just beginning. His regime compiled a jaw-dropping list of body bags. Some, like Dadiyata, disappeared, never to be seen again. Others, like Maiwada Raphael Galadima, Agwam Adara III, paramount ruler in Kajuru, turned up dead or decapitated. The Agwam Adara was ostensibly returning home from a consultation with the state government on a crisis in his domain when he was abducted. Abducted with him, his wife was released after the abductors murdered her husband. The Governor was missing from his funeral. After his burial, el-Rufai swiftly abolished his kingdom and purported to divide it up into emirates.

Under el-Rufai and by appointment of the Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ), Kaduna State attained “notoriety as the deadliest state for Journalists in Nigeria to operate.” They were not the only endangered species. The strategic research group, SBM Intelligence, concluded also that “Kaduna was the most dangerous state for priests, who were often kidnapped during services.”

His signal accomplishment was to displace Boko Haram from the top of the league of atrocities. This was no easy feat. In May 2014, the United Nations Security Council listed the 

Jama'atu Ahlis-Sunna Lidda'Awati Wal-Jihad, (the Islamist insurgency better known as Boko Haram) as a terrorist organization. Three years earlier, the Gaji Galtimari Presidential Committee on the Security Challenges in the North-East Zone of Nigeria had reported that the group “started as an innocuous non-violent group” around 2003. 

Since then, Borno State, the epicentre of Boko Haram’s atrocities habitually topped the national league table of mass-casualty killings in Nigeria. The monitoring coalition, Nigeria Mourns, reported a peak of 6,138 atrocity casualties in Borno State in 2015. Over the next five years, casualty count in Borno State appeared to drop off quite significantly. 

Over 760 kilometres away from the Borno State capital, Maiduguri, in Kaduna, the historical capital of northern Nigeria, it almost appeared as if the State government led by el-Rufai was envious of Borno’s position. In 2015, when Borno State hit the peak in atrocity killings, Nigeria Mourns recorded 411 casualties in Kaduna State. By 2020, this had risen to 628. In Borno State in the same year, the count was 1,176 killed.

In 2021, el-Rufai’s Kaduna State overhauled Borno to take over the top position in the national body-count of mass-casualty atrocities. That year, Nigeria Mourns recorded 587 killed and 119 abducted in Borno State. In Kaduna State, it counted 1,114 killed and 1,225 abducted. In 2022, at least 1,346 were abducted in Kaduna State. The comparable figure for Borno State was 77.

To be sure, Kaduna State had a well-advertised history of chronic violence dating back to the 1980s and accounting for tens of thousands killed over the period. Under Nasir el-Rufai however, virulent executive bigotry drove the state beyond the edge through methodical segregation. Leena Hoffman captured the depth of Kaduna’s crisis of sectarian segregation under him: “the river that runs through the city of Kaduna, the state capital, highlights the starkness of the divide: the northern half is unofficially called Mecca; the south, Jerusalem.”

The most intense site of chronic mass-casualty atrocities in Kaduna State was Southern Kaduna, which is characterised by linguistic and ethnic diversity coexisting with a high concentration of the State’s non-Muslim populations. For many people, there was only one explanation for the exponential spike in mass-casualty atrocities in Kaduna State – the State governor, el-Rufai. His administration was widely “accused of a conspiracy of silence” in support of the murderous campaign of extermination in Southern Kaduna.

In one of his earliest acts as governor, Nasir el-Rufai sought exculpation for bandit pastoralists from the chronic massacre in Southern Kaduna, claiming that he had already “spent government money to pay Fulani herdsmen to stop violence in southern Kaduna.” About the armed “bandits” who were to emerge as the fall guys for the violence, Governor el-Rufai later described them as “just collections of independent criminals. It is a business for them.” 

When el-Rufai stepped down from office in 2023, mass-casualty atrocities in Kaduna crashed spectacularly. Nigeria Mourns recorded 413 atrocity killings in Kaduna and 393 abductions. The only thing that appears to have occurred to bring about this transformation was a change in the occupant of the office of Governor. 

In January 2017, an audio emerged in which he gloated over the untimely death in 2010 of former President, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, his high school contemporary at Barewa College, Zaria on whom he had also visited unrestrained bile in his memoirs. Columnist, Farooq Kperogi, observes that El-Rufai “embodies one of the most morbidly toxic strains of political intolerance in Nigeria. He exteriorises his discomfort with opposition by literally wishing death upon his opponents or claiming credit for their death.”

Bloodlust such as this can never be slaked. Out of power today, el-Rufai seeks to re-brand himself as an ecumenical politician invested in pluralism. Those who make the mistake of jumping into political bed with him will have themselves to blame.

** A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Isabella Chase

Picture this – you’re in a room full of people, and someone walks in with the latest iPhone model.

Do you find yourself impressed? Or maybe it’s not a high-tech gadget, but a fancy car or a designer handbag that catches your eye.

Let’s face it.

We live in a world where material possessions often speak louder than words. They’re seen as an extension of our personality, a reflection of our status.

But really, who are we trying to impress?

Interestingly enough, you may not be aware, but these so-called ‘status symbols’ might only be turning heads among the middle class.

Now hold on!

Before you start questioning your taste or the value of your prized possessions, let me assure you – this isn’t about demeaning anyone’s lifestyle choices.

Instead, it’s an invitation to question – “Are we valuing the right things?”

In this article, we’ll be taking a look at seven such ‘status symbols’ that, believe it or not, might only be impressing those in the middle-income bracket.

Quick heads up!

The intention here isn’t to create disparity or fuel class wars. Rather, it’s to challenge our perspectives and perhaps even redefine what success and status mean.

So, buckle up. This is going to be an interesting ride.

1) Luxury cars

Picture this.

You’re walking down the street, and a shiny new Mercedes-Benz zooms past. You can’t help but turn your head and admire the sleek lines, the gleaming paint job, the emblematic three-pointed star.

Impressed?

Many of us would be. After all, owning a luxury car is often seen as a surefire sign of having ‘made it’.

But here’s the catch.

In reality, luxury cars are more of a middle-class fascination. Why? Well, numerous studies suggest that the ultra-wealthy don’t necessarily invest in high-end cars.

Surprised?

Instead, they’re more inclined to put their money into assets that appreciate over time—real estate, stocks, businesses—rather than something that depreciates the moment it hits the road.

Take a moment to ponder on that.

Does it make you see that gleaming Mercedes in a slightly different light? Perhaps it even invites you to reconsider what real wealth looks like.

And remember, wealth is not just about what you own, but also about how smartly you invest.

So the next time you see someone in a luxury car, don’t be too quick to equate it with ultimate success. It’s just one aspect of wealth – and perhaps not even the most important one.

2) Designer clothes

Let me share a personal anecdote.

A couple of years ago, I found myself at a high-profile business event. Everyone was dressed to the nines. You could spot Gucci, Prada, and Louis Vuitton labels from a mile away.

I couldn’t help but feel out of place.

There I was, in my simple but well-tailored suit, sans any designer logo. I felt as though I was missing the unofficial uniform of success…until I met James.

James, a self-made billionaire, stood out not for his clothes but for his personality and intelligence. Guess what? He wasn’t wearing any designer brands either.

In fact, he once told me something that stuck: “I don’t wear my wealth. I invest it.”

The point is, designer clothes might impress the middle class, but the truly wealthy know that spending money on expensive brands isn’t necessarily a smart investment.

So next time you’re tempted to buy that Gucci belt or Prada bag to impress others, remember: true wealth isn’t worn; it’s invested and grown.

3) Extravagant vacations

We’ve all seen them – those picture-perfect Instagram posts of luxurious vacations. Crystal clear waters, overwater bungalows, champagne brunches – the works.

It’s easy to scroll through these images and feel a pang of envy.

But let’s get real.

These extravagant vacations? They’re not as glamorous as they seem. Behind those well-curated photos is often a mountain of debt or a severely depleted savings account.

Don’t get me wrong, there’s nothing wrong with wanting to see the world or enjoy a bit of luxury.

But when it becomes more about showing off on social media than the actual experience, that’s when you need to step back and reevaluate.

It’s ironic but true – the people who can truly afford these extravagant vacations aren’t flaunting it on Instagram. They’re too busy enjoying the experience itself, away from the public eye.

The truly affluent understand that wealth isn’t about impressing others with how much you can spend, but about how much you can save and invest. They know that memories made are more valuable than any Instagram post.

So next time you feel a tinge of envy scrolling through your feed, remember that not everything that glitters is gold.

And real wealth? It’s rarely displayed in an Instagram feed.

4) Expensive watches

Ever noticed how fancy wristwatches tend to draw attention?

It’s no secret.

A Rolex or a Patek Philippe on someone’s wrist often elicits admiring glances. To many, an expensive timepiece is more than just a device that tells time – it’s a symbol of success and status.

But here’s an interesting fact.

Many of the world’s wealthiest people often opt for simpler, less ostentatious timepieces. Take Bill Gates, for instance. Despite his immense wealth, he’s often seen wearing a simple, functional watch.

What does this tell us?

Possibly that the truly rich don’t feel the need to display their wealth on their wrist. They understand that real success doesn’t need to be paraded – it’s not about what’s on your wrist, but what’s in your bank account or investment portfolio.

So next time you see someone sporting an expensive watch, remember – it might be more of a status symbol for the middle class. True wealth doesn’t need flashy accessories to validate it.

5) Living in a big house

There’s a common perception that a big house equals big success. From sprawling suburban homes to city penthouses, size often matters when it comes to our living spaces.

But did you know?

Warren Buffett, one of the wealthiest individuals in the world, still lives in the same house he bought in 1958 for a mere $31,500. It’s far from a sprawling mansion – just a comfortable home in a quiet neighborhood.

The truth is, many truly wealthy people don’t feel the need to live in massive houses just to show off their wealth. They understand that true wealth isn’t about living large, but about living smart.

The size of your home doesn’t determine your success.

And more importantly, a big house often comes with big bills – and that can be an unnecessary drain on your resources.

So think twice before equating success with square footage. The truly wealthy know that real riches don’t always come with a big key.

6) Dining at expensive restaurants

There’s a certain allure to dining at high-end restaurants. The ambiance, the gourmet food, the exclusive wine list – it all feels very sophisticated, doesn’t it?

But let me share something with you.

Some of the best meals I’ve had weren’t at Michelin-starred establishments, but at simple, unpretentious eateries where the focus was on good food and genuine interactions.

You see, dining at expensive places can sometimes become more about the experience or the social status they confer than the food itself.

The genuinely wealthy individuals often understand this. They can appreciate a good meal, whether it’s at a fancy restaurant or a small family-run bistro. They value authenticity and quality over price tags.

So don’t feel pressured to dine at expensive places to fit in or impress others. Good food is good food, whether it comes with a hefty bill or not.

And the people who understand this? They’re often the ones who truly understand the value of money.

7) Fancy parties and events

Here’s the most important thing you should know.

Fancy parties and events, often filled with glitz and glamour, might seem like the playground of the rich and successful. But in reality, these events are often more about show than substance.

True wealth is not about rubbing elbows at high-profile events or being seen at the right parties. It’s about building solid relationships, investing wisely, and living a life that aligns with your values.

So next time you see pictures of extravagant parties, remember – the truly wealthy don’t need a flashy event to validate their success. They’re too busy building genuine connections and growing their wealth in meaningful ways.

Final thoughts

If you’ve been nodding along while reading this article, there’s a chance you’ve been looking at wealth and status through a distorted lens. And trust me, you’re not alone.

But here’s the silver lining – recognizing this is the first step towards change.

We live in a world that often equates success with material possessions. But true wealth is more than just what meets the eye. It’s about financial intelligence, smart investments, and lasting value.

Reflect on this – what does success mean to you? Is it about flashy symbols that impress others, or is it about building a life that aligns with your values?

Remember, Warren Buffett, one of the wealthiest people in the world, still lives in his modest home from the 1950s. His life serves as a reminder that true wealth is not about show but about substance.

It’s time to redefine success and wealth in our own terms. After all, the most meaningful status symbol is living a life true to oneself. Now that’s something worth striving for.

Global English Editing

A price war between Dangote Petroleum Refinery and the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL) has led oil marketers to reduce their purchasing volumes amid mounting losses from rapid price reductions.

The competition began in November 2024 when Dangote lowered petrol prices from N990 to N970 per litre, followed by further cuts to N899, citing holiday relief for Nigerians. NNPCL responded by matching the N899 price at its outlets.

The price cuts continued into 2025, with Dangote reducing prices to N890 in February and then to N825 per litre by February 27. NNPCL countered with a N860 per litre price at its retail outlets on March 3.

While consumers have benefited from these price reductions, oil marketers are suffering significant losses, estimated at N2.5 billion daily and N75 billion monthly.

"The ongoing price reduction is affecting oil marketers negatively because we are losing money," said Hammed Fashola, National Vice President of Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN). "Not buying large volumes of PMS is the only way to play it safe because when you buy in bulk, the price may drop again."

Marketers are now purchasing smaller quantities they can sell within a week to minimize potential losses from further price drops.

Adding to the competitive landscape, the landing cost of imported petrol dropped to N774.82 per litre on Tuesday, below Dangote's ex-depot price of N825. This decline follows Brent crude falling to $70 per barrel and U.S. WTI crude to $66.70 by March 12, down from February's prices of around $76 and $69 respectively.

In response, Dangote reduced its price further to N815 per litre. Fashola suggested prices could fall to as low as N500 per litre if crude drops to around $40 per barrel and the naira strengthens below N1,000 per dollar.

According to the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics, Nigeria's petrol imports increased 105 percent in 2024 to N15.42 trillion. Despite concerns about local refinery viability, Fashola supports continued imports as a check against monopolistic practices.

Financial analyst Bismarck Rewane noted that the price war will only continue if global oil prices keep falling. "If the price of crude increases again, which nobody can predict, we will see an increase in the price of petrol. It is not in the hands of the refiners but on the global oil market."​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

With reports from Punch

Former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai has revealed that he and other political leaders were aware of the controversies surrounding President Bola Tinubu’s academic records at Chicago State University but chose to support his 2023 presidential bid based on his track record as Lagos State governor. Speaking in an interview with BBC Hausa, El-Rufai expressed disappointment in Tinubu’s performance as president, stating that the administration has failed to meet expectations.

El-Rufai explained that despite concerns about Tinubu’s alleged certificate scandal, they believed he could replicate his Lagos achievements on a national scale. “We knew about his Chicago issues, but we thought if he could do for Nigeria what he did for Lagos, we would support him. However, he has failed,” El-Rufai said. He emphasized that their support was rooted in Tinubu’s past governance, which transformed Lagos into a thriving economic hub.

The former governor also addressed his recent departure from the All Progressives Congress (APC) to the Social Democratic Party (SDP), citing a divergence in values with the ruling party. El-Rufai called on opposition leaders, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, Labour Party’s Peter Obi, and others, to unite under the SDP to salvage the country. “What I want and pray for is for all opposition leaders—Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi, Rotimi Amaechi, and Rauf Aregbesola—to join the SDP,” he said.

El-Rufai dismissed accusations of betraying Atiku Abubakar, recalling their past disagreements during the Obasanjo administration. He clarified that their conflicts were based on principle rather than personal animosity. “I never betrayed Atiku. If I had, why would we be together now?” he asked, highlighting their current alignment in opposition politics.

Regarding his political future, El-Rufai downplayed speculation about a 2027 presidential run, stating that such decisions rest with his party and the people. “It is not for me to decide; it is the party and the people that will decide,” he said, recalling how former President Muhammadu Buhari had persuaded him to run for governor in the past.

El-Rufai’s comments come amid growing criticism of Tinubu’s administration, particularly after the Senate declined to confirm him as a minister in 2023. El-Rufai has been vocal about his dissatisfaction, accusing Tinubu of deliberately excluding him from his cabinet. His remarks underscore the deepening fractures within Nigeria’s political landscape as opposition figures seek to regroup ahead of the next election cycle.

The Chicago State University certificate scandal, which has lingered as a contentious issue in Tinubu’s political career, continues to cast a shadow over his presidency, even as his former allies like El-Rufai express regret over their initial support.

President Donald Trump launched large-scale airstrikes against Yemen’s Iran-backed Houthi rebels on Saturday, vowing to put an end to their attacks on international shipping in the Red Sea. The strikes, which killed at least 24 people, mark the most significant U.S. military operation in the Middle East since Trump took office in January.

In a fiery Truth Social post, Trump declared that he had “ordered the United States Military to launch decisive and powerful Military action against the Houthi terrorists in Yemen,” calling them a threat to American and global security. “They have waged an unrelenting campaign of piracy, violence, and terrorism against American, and other, ships, aircraft, and drones,” he wrote.

Trump also blamed his predecessor, former President Joe Biden, for not acting aggressively against the Houthis. “Biden’s response was pathetically weak, so the unrestrained Houthis just kept going,” he wrote. “It has been over a year since a U.S.-flagged commercial ship safely sailed through the Suez Canal, the Red Sea, or the Gulf of Aden.” He warned the Houthis directly: “YOUR TIME IS UP, AND YOUR ATTACKS MUST STOP, STARTING TODAY. IF THEY DON’T, HELL WILL RAIN DOWN UPON YOU LIKE NOTHING YOU HAVE EVER SEEN BEFORE!”

Casualties and Widespread Strikes

At least 13 civilians were reported killed and nine others wounded in airstrikes on Yemen’s capital, Sanaa, according to the Houthi-controlled health ministry. Another 11 people, including four children and a woman, died in an attack in Saada province, Houthi-run Al-Masirah TV reported. The strikes also hit a power station in Dahyan, a known meeting location for Houthi leader Abdul Malik al-Houthi, causing a blackout in the area.

Residents described the attacks as devastating. “The explosions were violent and shook the neighborhood like an earthquake. They terrified our women and children,” said Abdullah Yahia, a Sanaa resident.

A U.S. official told Reuters that the military campaign is expected to last weeks, targeting Houthi infrastructure across Yemen. The strikes were carried out in part by fighter jets from the USS Harry S. Truman, currently deployed in the Red Sea.

Iran Warned as U.S. Escalates Response

Trump also put Iran—the Houthis’ main sponsor—on notice, warning that any further support for the group would have consequences. “If Iran threatens the United States, America will hold you fully accountable, and we won’t be nice about it!” he stated.

A Pentagon spokesperson revealed that since 2023, the Houthis have launched 174 attacks on U.S. warships and 145 attacks on commercial vessels in the region. The group says its actions are in solidarity with Palestinians amid the Israel-Gaza conflict.

Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi condemned the U.S. airstrikes, accusing Washington of fueling conflict in the region. “End support for Israeli genocide and terrorism. Stop killing of Yemeni people,” Araqchi wrote on X.

Meanwhile, Secretary of State Marco Rubio informed Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov about the strikes, signaling potential diplomatic maneuvering as the U.S. pressures Iran while also engaging with Moscow.

Houthis Vow Retaliation

Despite the strikes, the Houthis remain defiant. “Our Yemeni armed forces are fully prepared to respond to escalation with escalation,” the group’s political bureau said. The Houthis also announced plans to resume attacks on Israeli-linked ships in the Red Sea, Gulf of Aden, and Arabian Sea, following a temporary pause after the Gaza ceasefire in January.

Geopolitical Tensions and Nuclear Talks

The U.S. military action comes just days after a letter from Trump to Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei was delivered, seeking negotiations over Iran’s nuclear program. Khamenei swiftly rejected the offer.

Western intelligence agencies warn that Iran is accelerating uranium enrichment, bringing it closer to weapons-grade levels. While Iran denies pursuing nuclear weapons, U.S. and European officials say there is no civilian justification for such high levels of enrichment.

As tensions rise, Trump has signaled a willingness to escalate military operations if necessary. “The Houthi attack on American vessels will not be tolerated. We will use overwhelming lethal force until we have achieved our objective,” he declared.

With the strikes underway and further escalation possible, the situation in the Middle East remains volatile, with global shipping, regional security, and U.S.-Iran relations all hanging in the balance.

Freed Israeli hostage speaks for the first time about his 505 days of surviving Hamas hell

After surviving nearly a year and a half deep underground, with barely enough air to breathe and no light, and sharing an 18-square-foot space with three other men, recently released hostage Tal Shoham shared with Fox News Digital his harrowing story of captivity at the hands of Hamas.

Shoham was forcibly taken from Kibbutz Be’eri on October 7, 2023. His wife and children, ages four and eight, were also kidnapped that day, but he didn’t know that when he was thrown into the trunk of a car and driven into Gaza by Hamas terrorists. He didn’t even know whether his family was alive; hoping to save them, he surrendered to the terrorists just before they set fire to the house where his family was hiding. 

He would spend the eight-and-a-half months in an underground tunnel and another five months captive in five different houses deep inside Gaza, where his captors kept him shackled, starved him and deprived him of basic human comforts.

But he gave himself a mission: He was determined not to lose his humanity. Even in moments when he feared that he was facing death, he tried to stay focused. "I am not a victim. Even if this ends, I will end it with my head high, looking death in the eyes. They won’t break me, and I will not surrender to self-pity. We are stronger than the other side," he said.

It has been three weeks since he came home, and he is ready to speak. Kibbutz Be’eri is just nine kilometers — about five-and-a-half miles — from Gaza, but that short distance is practically an ocean between what he describes as two worlds. "Half-an-hour’s drive, two separate worlds," he said. "The first — unbelievably surreal, cruel beyond reason. And just 30 minutes away [on this side of the border], a world of sanity, logic, dignity and compassion."

He remembers every detail of his 505 days in captivity. Tal wants to tell his story for the sake of the two fellow captives who remain behind, starving, abused and at constant risk of death. "Just as someone emerges from a womb alive, I emerged from the tunnel I was held in and was born again," he says. But the men he calls his "brothers," Evyatar David and Guy Gilboa-Dalal, are still held underground. "I can’t sleep at night knowing they are still there," he says.

Tal and his wife and children had come from the north of Israel to Kibbutz Be’eri to spend the Simchat Torah holiday with his wife’s parents and were in the home when the terror attack began. He said everyone entered the safe room, and as the sounds of gunfire drew closer, they tried to barricade themselves inside. But the terrorists pried open the window, and Tal feared they might toss in a grenade if the family did not surrender. On the same street, the terrorists set fire to every other home, burning the people inside alive.

"I went out and raised my hands," he said. "A man with murder in his eyes led me onto the road and to a vehicle. I saw about 40 heavily armed terrorists. Some of them were filming me on their phones. I was in shock — there was an entire battalion of Hamas terrorists inside our kibbutz, bodies of people I knew who were murdered on the ground, and they are laughing, unafraid."

The terrorists threw him into the trunk of a car and drove him across the border, into Gaza. There, a crowd gathered. "Teenagers with sticks ran toward me, trying to beat me from all sides," he says. Taking him from the car, his captors pointed a rifle at him, ready, he believed, to execute him, and tried to force him to kneel. "I said, ‘I can’t control whether you kill me or not,’ and I raised my hands — but I refused to kneel. ‘If you want to kill me, kill me, but you will not execute me like ISIS.’"

He was then paraded through the streets in what he described as a "victory march." "They were shouting, ‘Soldier! Pig! Zionist!’ A mob gathered around, boys with wooden clubs trying to hit me. But I just waved and smiled. I didn’t show fear. ‘You’ve captured me, but you won’t see terror in my eyes.’"

34 Days of Isolation

He was first taken to the home of a family, where he was held, alone and always shackled, for 34 days. Though he was allowed to periodically shower, the captivity was otherwise severe.

His food was strictly rationed. "For the first three days, I had pita bread. Then, they stopped giving me that," he says. "Food supplies dwindled. Some days, I would receive three spoons of avocado and three dates, or half an orange from a tree in the yard."

But the worst torment was not knowing whether his family was alive. "I am 40 years old. Never in my life have I experienced suffering like this. The isolation, being alone with relentless thoughts —that was worse than even extreme hunger."

To endure, he made a heartbreaking decision. "I had to accept that my family was dead," Tal says. "I sat on the floor and imagined myself at their funeral. I stood in front of a grave — one large for my wife, and two small for my children — and I eulogized each of them. I thanked them for the time we had. I told them to move on. I sobbed but didn’t let my captors see me cry. That was the hardest thing I’ve ever done — burying my family in my mind."

505 Days In Hell

On the 34th day of his captivity, Evyatar David and Guy Gilboa-Dalal were brought to the home. The Hamas terrorists tortured them daily, hitting them, denying them food while eating in front of them. The hostages were allowed only about 300 calories a day — Shoham's weight dropped from 174 pounds to 110 pounds when he was released — and speaking was forbidden. "We couldn’t move from our beds or talk. We whispered everything," he said.

Then came some glimmer of hope. On the 50th day of his captivity, Tal received proof of life from his wife — a letter telling him she and the children had been held hostage but were being released. "I read it, my hands shaking," he said. "The most important thing had happened — my family was safe. I didn’t need to be a father and husband protecting them anymore. Now, I could focus on my war, the one I knew how to fight, the one for survival."

The Tunnel

By June 2024, Tal, Guy and Evyatar were moved by an ambulance that Hamas used for discreetly transporting hostages, to an underground tunnel, where there already was another captive, Omer Wenkert. There were four mattresses on the floor and a hole in the ground for a toilet. The space was illuminated by a single, dim lightbulb. "It took me weeks to stop feeling like the walls were closing in, to adapt to the oxygen deprivation," Tal says.

They were given just 300 milliliters of water a day — a little more than 10 ounces. They could use it to either drink or wash their hands. Rice was all they had to eat. Months passed. They were beaten, monitored by cameras, randomly deprived of food and sleep. The guards were Hamas tunnel diggers — digging every day, even as war raged above. "Hamas never stopped digging tunnels," Tal Says. "Not for a single day."

The conditions were so bad that both he and Evyatar developed severe infections. But it would be months before a doctor would come to see them. "My leg turned blue, yellow, and purple with internal bleeding," He recalls. "They gave us all blood thinners, fearing we might develop clots from prolonged immobility. Eventually, they realized the issue was malnutrition and provided us with vitamin supplements for seven days. It tasted like dog food, but it dramatically improved our condition."

But the abuse continued. A new guard arrived, even more violent than the previous ones. "He made some of us kneel like dogs and beat us," he says. "He would come in screaming that we were filthy Jews, hit us, and then 10 minutes later, he would smile and bring food."

Then, what seemed like a miracle. Tal and Omer were named as part of the hostage-release deal in February. When he was led outside after many months underground, still blindfolded, he felt moisture on his face. "Is it rain?" he asked. "No," his captors responded, "’It is dew.’ And I realized, my name, Tal, is ‘dew’ in Hebrew. I felt the morning dew on my skin."

There were humiliations to come before he was handed over to the Red Cross and returned to Israel: a procession on a stage in the heart of Rafah where he was forced to repeat Hamas propaganda.  But he said he didn’t care — he was going home. When he arrived in Israel, he was taken to the Re’im base, where his wife, Adi, and their two children, Nave and Yahel, were waiting for him. "It was a dream come true, yet it still felt like a dream," Tal says. "It took a few days to fully grasp that it was real. It was hard to take in. The emotions flooded me, like I was floating above everything."

And there was tragic news to absorb. Eleven members of Tal’s family were kidnapped or murdered on October 7. Adi’s father, Avshalom Haran, and two uncles, Lilach and Evyatar Kipnis, were killed. His mother-in-law, Shoshan Haran, was taken, along with two other relatives — Sharon Avigdori and her daughter, Noam Avigdori — who were later released in the first hostage deal. Two other relatives who had come from the United States to celebrate a birthday, 59-year-old Judith Raanan, and her 17-year-old daughter, Natalie, were also kidnapped from Kibbutz Nahal Oz.

And there was joy. During his captivity, four new babies were born into the family. "Among us, the Jewish hostages, there was purity," he said. "There was dignity. The terrorists brought in whatever horrors they wanted, inflicted whatever cruelty and pain they could, imposed their inhumanity on us. But within our space, we preserved our inner cleanliness, our humanity between one another. And that was crucial to making it out unbroken."       

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