Israel keeps pounding central Gaza as Palestinian death toll in hostage rescue raid rises to 274

Israeli forces pounded central Gaza anew on Sunday, a day after killing 274 Palestinians during a hostage rescue raid, and tanks advanced further into Rafah in an apparent bid to seal off part of the southern city, residents and Hamas media said.

Palestinians remained in shock over Saturday's death toll, the worst over a 24-hour period of the Gaza war for months and including many women and children, Palestinian medics said.

In an update on Sunday, Gaza's health ministry said 274 Palestinians were killed - up from 210 it reported on Saturday - and 698 were injured when Israeli special force commandos stormed into the densely populated Al-Nuseirat camp to rescue four hostages held since October by Hamas militants.

Sixty-four of the dead were children and 57 were women, the Hamas-run Gaza government media office said on Sunday.

Israel's military said a special forces officer was killed in exchanges of fire with militants emerging from cover in residential blocks, and that it knew of "under 100" Palestinians killed, though not how many of them were fighters or civilians.

Hamas' armed wing said on Sunday three Israeli hostages, including one with U.S. citizenship, were killed during the raid, but provided no names. It released a video of what appeared to be corpses with censor bars obscuring their faces.

A Hamas assertion on Saturday that some hostages had died was rejected as "a blatant lie" by the Israeli military.

Gaza's health ministry said another 798 Palestinians were injured in the Israeli raid, and one of them, 4-year-old Tawfiq Abu Youssef, was in critical condition when visited in hospital on Sunday by his father Raed.

The boy was first thought to have died before he moved his hand slightly while in the arms of a relative rushing him to hospital - captured in a video that went viral on social media.

"I had already dug his grave," his father told Reuters, adding that most members of his extended family were among those killed in the raid.

MORE AIRSTRIKES IN CENTRAL GAZA

In central Gaza on Sunday, Israeli airstrikes on houses in the city of Deir Al-Balah and in the nearby Al-Bureij refugee camp killed three Palestinians in each location, while tanks shelled parts of Al-Nuseirat and Al-Maghazi camps, medics said.

The Israeli military said in a statement its forces were continuing operations east of Al-Bureij and Deir al-Balah, killing a number of Palestinian gunmen and destroying militant infrastructure.

Israel sent forces into Rafah in May in what it called a mission to wipe out Hamas' last intact combat units after eight months of war, in which Israeli forces have bombed much of the rest of Gaza to rubble while advancing against fierce resistance from militants embedded in crowded cities and built-up camps.

Israeli tank forces have since seized Gaza's entire border strip with Egypt running through Rafah to the Mediterranean coast and invaded many districts of the city of 280,000 residents, prompting around one million displaced people who had been sheltering in Rafah to flee elsewhere.

ISRAELI TANKS ADVANCE FURTHER IN RAFAH

On Sunday, tanks advanced into two new districts in an apparent effort to complete the encirclement of the entire eastern side of Rafah, touching off clashes with dug-in Hamas-led armed groups, according to residents trapped in their homes.

Palestinian medics said an Israeli airstrike on a house in Tel Al-Sultan in western Rafah killed two people.

The Israeli military said troops of its 162nd division were raiding some districts of Rafah where they had located "numerous additional terror tunnel shafts, mortars, and (other) weapons" belonging to Palestinian Islamist militants.

Hamas precipitated the war with a lightning cross-border attack into Israel last Oct. 7, killing around 1,200 people and seizing over 250 hostages, according to Israeli tallies. About half the hostages were freed during a brief November truce.

Israel's ensuing air and ground war in Gaza has killed at least 37,084 Palestinians, the health ministry in the Hamas-run territory said in its Sunday update. The ministry says thousands more dead are feared buried under the rubble.

Attempts by the United States and regional countries to broker a deal that would release all remaining hostages in return for a ceasefire have repeatedly stumbled on Israeli and Hamas intransigence over terms for an end to the war.

A humanitarian catastrophe has unfolded as the war has dragged on, with over three-quarters of Gaza's 2.3 million population displaced, malnutrition widespread and basic infrastructure in ruins.

Gaza's conflict has destabilised the wider Middle East, drawing in Hamas' main supporter Iran and its Lebanese ally Hezbollah, which has been clashing with Israel along its northern border for months, raising fears of all-out war.

Concern about an escalation in Israeli-Hezbollah hostilities and a sharp decline in expectations of a Gaza ceasefire have weakened Israel's shekel currency by 3% to 3.75 to the dollar since June 4.

** Israeli PM Netanyahu's majority safe after Gantz departure

Israeli war cabinet minister Benny Gantz announced on Sunday that he was quitting Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's emergency unity government formed shortly after the Hamas Oct 7. attack on Israel.

His departure still leaves Netanyahu's nationalist-religious coalition in control of parliament with a 64-seat majority in the 120 seat Knesset.

Gantz, a former armed forces chief and defence minister, heads the centrist National Unity party which holds eight seats.

Netanyahu's conservative Likud party, the largest faction, has 32 parliament seats. Defence Minister Yoav Gallant is a member of the party and has clashed with Netanyahu and some nationalists in the government over Gaza strategy.

Settler party Religious Zionism, headed by Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, holds seven seats.

Ultra-nationalist Jewish Power, headed by National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, and Noam hold six and one seats respectively.

The ultra-Orthodox Jewish parties Shas and United Torah Judaism hold 11 and 7 seats respectively.

 

Reuters

WESTERN PERSPECTIVE

Chechen leader Kadyrov says Russian troops capture Ukrainian border village

The leader of Russia's Chechnya region, Ramzan Kadyrov, said on Sunday that Russian forces, led by a Chechen-based special forces unit, have seized control of a Ukrainian border village.

Kadyrov, who has led his South Caucasus region as a Kremlin loyalist since 2007, said the Akhmat-Chechnya unit led Russian troops in taking control of Ukraine's Ryzhivka, in Sumy region, opposite the southern Russia region of Kursk.

Writing on the Telegram messaging app, Kadyrov said the "large-scale planned advance" inflicted "significant losses on the Ukrainian side, which was forced to retreat".

Russia's Defence Ministry issued no statement on the action and there was no comment from Ukrainian military authorities.

Reuters could not independently confirm the report.

The commander of the Akhmat unit was quoted by Russia's TASS state news agency this month as saying his forces had been deployed in Russia's border Belgorod border region - to the east of where Sunday's capture was said to have occurred.

In May, Kadyrov said during a meeting with Russia's President Vladimir Putin that tens of thousands of his soldiers were prepared to fight for Russia in Ukraine and that a total of 43,500 troops already have served in Moscow's war against its smaller neighbour.

Ukraine's military has warned in recent weeks of a buildup of Russian forces around Sumy region in preparation for military action.

 

RUSSIAN PERSPECTIVE

Battlegroup North improves frontline positions over past 24 hours — top brass

Russia’s battlegroup North has improved its frontline positions over the day, defeating four Ukrainian brigades, the Defense Ministry said.

"The northern battlegroup improved its frontline positions and defeated manpower and equipment of the 82nd Ukrainian air assault brigade, the 120th, 125th and 127th territorial defense brigades near Volchansk, Sinelnikovo, Zhovtnevoye, Neskuchnoye, Ternovaya and Izbitskoye in the Kharkov Region. It repelled seven counterattacks by assault groups of the 13th National Guard brigade, the 36th marine brigade, the 71st Jaeger brigade and the 101st security brigade of the Ukrainian General Staff. The enemy losses amounted to up to 225 servicemen, seven vehicles and a 152-mm D-20 howitzer. Three Ukrainian field ammunition depots were destroyed," the statement said.

Russian air defenses down Ukrainian Mi-8 helicopter, intercept 66 drones

Russian air defenses shot down a Ukrainian Air Force Mi-8 helicopter, as well as intercepted 66 drones and 13 HIMARS rockets, the Defense Ministry said.

"Air defenses down a Ukrainian Air Force Mi-8 helicopter. Over the past 24 hours, air defenses also intercepted 66 unmanned aerial vehicles and 13 US-made HIMARS rockets," the ministry said.

A total of 610 aircraft, 276 helicopters, 25,463 unmanned aerial vehicles, 528 anti-aircraft missile systems, 16,304 tanks and other armored fighting vehicles, 1,331 multiple rocket launchers, 10,240 field artillery and mortars, as well as 22,387 units of special military vehicles have been destroyed since the beginning of the special military operation, the military added.

Russia’s battlegroup East destroys up to 140 Ukrianian servicemen, tank

Russia’s battlegroup East has destroyed up to 140 Ukrainian servicemen and a tank over the past 24 hours, the Defense Ministry said.

"The eastern battlegroup took more favorable lines and also defeated manpower and equipment of the 58th Ukrainian motorized infantry brigade, the 123rd territorial defense brigade and the 21st National Guard brigade near Zolotaya Niva, Vremyevka and Oktyabr of the Donetsk People's Republic. The enemy losses amounted to up to 140 servicemen, a tank, two armored combat vehicles, three vehicles, a 155-mm Polish-made self-propelled Krab howitzer, a 152-mm Msta-B howitzer and an Anclav warfare station," the ministry said.

Battlegroup Center destroys up to 300 servicemen, Marder fighting vehicle

Russia’s battlegroup Center has destroyed up to 300 servicemen and a Marder infantry fighting vehicle over the past 24 hours, the Defense Ministry said.

According to it, the battlegroup improved its tactical positions, defeated the 71st Ukrainian infantry, 23rd and 47th mechanized brigades near Karlovka, Yevgenovka, Novopokrovskoye and Yasnoborodovka of the Donetsk People's Republic. In addition, the battlegroup repelled six counterattacks by assault groups of the 25th airborne, 24th and 110th mechanized brigades.

"The enemy lost up to 300 servicemen, German-made Marder and US-made Bradley infantry fighting vehicles, two vehicles. Russian forces also hit two US-made M777 howitzers, an Akatsiya self-propelled howitzer, a Gvozdika howitzer, two 122-mm D-30 howitzers, and two Rapira anti-tank guns," the ministry added.

Battlegroup West wipes out up to 400 Ukrianian servicemen over day

Russia’s battlegroup West has destroyed up to 400 Ukrianian servicemen, a tank and two armored vehicles over the past day, the Defense Ministry said.

"The western battlegroup occupied more favorable lines, defeated the 14th, 116th, 115th Ukrainian mechanized, 3rd assault brigades and the 13th National Guard brigade near Sinkovka, Petropavlovka, Berestovoye of the Kharkov Region, Serebryanka and Torskoye of the Donetsk People's Republic. The enemy lost up to 400 servicemen, a tank, two armored combat vehicles and five pickup trucks," the statement said.

According to the ministry, Russian forces hit a 155-mm Polish-made Krab howitzer, a 152-mm Msta-B howitzer, a 122-mm Gvozdika howitzer, a 122-mm D-30 howitzer and a 122-mm Grad multiple rocket launcher.

Russian forces hit sites of strike drone operators, foreign mercenaries

The Russian armed forces hit the sites of the Ukrainian strike drone operators and foreign mercenaries, the Defense Ministry said.

"Russian military hit the sites of the operators of strike drones and foreign mercenaries, as well as accumulations of Ukrainian manpower and military equipment in 131 areas," the ministry said.

 

Reuters/Tass

 

In a country and a season in which candour is not always seen as a virtue, those who make it the currency of their daily lives are either idolised, endangered or idolised into endangerment. On the Nigerian streets, a person who addresses issues of public significance with candour can be described as having “broken the table”. As a figure of speech, this usage is back-handed compliment for bucking a national habit of dressing up reality in a bodyguard of avoidance.

Tables, however, can be useless without a chair or a bench. When the table gets scattered, the bench that accompanies it can suddenly become of limited utility. To default to a Nigerianism, lawyers and benches are like five and six. Judges and magistrates are referred to as members of “the Bench”. When lawyers have to discuss a matter confidentially in court with the judge in some countries, they “approach the bench.”

Even before that, upon becoming eligible to enroll into the vocation, their admission into the profession is overseen by a “Body of Benchers”, comprised as required by the Legal Practitioners Act of  “legal practitioners of the highest distinction in the legal 

profession in Nigeria.” The self-designated “vission” (sic) of the Body is “to be the beacon of legal professionalism, setting the standard for legal education, qualification, and conduct worldwide.”

To accomplish this, the least the Body of Benchers must do is to embody the highest standards of the profession themselves. Many years ago, that could have been said of them.

These days, it seems, benchers are the ones at war with tables. In Nigeria’s Body of Benchers currently, tables are being scattered in a manner that exposes how the standards of the legal profession have become hostage to a capricious entitlement mentality of its leadership. Amidst the daily dose of drama that defines Nigerian life, the spectacle unfolding in the Body of Benchers has been largely shielded from public attention. It is time to redress that neglect.

There is one other reason why this matter deserves attention. Over the course of several weeks now, the current leadership of the Body of Benchers has sought to intimidate journalists, reporters and platform providers, threatening them with unspoken consequences if they much as dared to publish material on the current crisis in the Body. For those who had already published, instructions to take down the material were transmitted, accompanied similarly with threats of malign consequences if they failed to comply. This degree of investment in suppressing and attacking the legitimate pursuit of a lawful vocation is both intolerable and unlawful. It could even be criminal. It would not be charitable to believe that this has anything to do with the fact that the current Chairman of the Body of Benchers is said to be someone who departed the Police in yet unascertained circumstances before becoming a lawyer.

The Body of Benchers is a statutory body. Any status enjoyed by its members is conferred by law. As a result, citizens have a duty to hold the feet of the Body and its members to fire.

Since the current crisis in the Body of Benchers has its origins ultimately in issues of membership, it is essential to dwell a little on the matter of its membership. The Body comprises two categories of members. Life Benchers enjoy membership for life. They can attain that status either by virtue of office or from dutiful longevity in membership after a minimum of five years. There are also ordinary members of the Body whose membership is not for life. Members include both lawyers and judges. For equity, leadership rotates on an annual schedule between the judges and the lawyers such that if a judge chairs the Body in one year, then a lawyer chairs it the following year.

Membership of the Body of Benchers used to truly hew closely to the requirement of the law limiting it to persons of “the highest distinction.” Today, aspects of the Body have degenerated somewhat into influence-peddling. For instance, they have extended automatic membership to senior federal legislators who are lawyers, such as the presiding officers of the two chambers of the National Assembly; and some significant committee chairs too. Indeed, a former Governor and current Minister with a reputation for “generosity” is one of the best known Life Benchers. At the instigation of the Body, success in the bloody art of election rigging in Nigeria now counts as attainment of “the highest distinction” in the legal profession.

We digress though. Among the committees established within the Body, an Appointments Committee vets nominees for membership, presumably to ensure that they comply with the threshold requirement of the law. That Committee is headed by a Chair whose tenure lasts for three years. In the last week of March 2024, Augustine Alegeh, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria and one of the most consequential presidents of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) in the last three decades, formally accepted the nomination to lead the Appointments Committee.

The week thereafter, the Body elected a new Chair, one of whose first acts was to issue an edict dissolving the existing committees and re-constituting them. The problem is that under its own Regulations, the power to constitute committees belongs not to the Chair but to the Body of Benchers as a whole. The Body, for the avoidance of doubt, is constituted for this purpose by a quorum of at least 50 of its members. Many of the members of the Body rightfully saw this claim of a unilateral power by the current Chair as descent into rule-free autocratization. The decision of the new chair to ignore their protests strengthened this fear.

The matter is now in court in a suit instituted by Alegeh against the Chair and the Body of Benchers as defendants. The real issue before the court is one of high significance. According to a letter by one member of the Body, “the Chairman took umbrage at the Appointments Committee because his wife’s name was on the list that we did not approve.” The member feared that the chairman’s action in claiming non-existent powers to dissolve and re-constitute the Appointments Committee was “fuelling suspicion” that all he wanted to achieve was to ensure that he made his wife a Bencher during his tenure.

In this case, the claim is that the Chairman of the Body of Benchers has sought to ransack the governance of the Body generally and the composition in particular of its Appointments Committee in order to secure by any means necessary membership of the Body for his wife. This may make him a truly doting husband but the Body is not a connubial resort. The resistance from within the Body protests not merely the evident breach of rules by its Chair but even more viscerally also the suggestion that “highest distinction” in the legal profession can be attained through pillow-talk or connubial propinquity between husband and wife.

The logical fear must be that if qualification for membership of the Body can be transmitted in this way, then, surely, eligibility for its membership would become an STD (sexually transmitted distinction). This question as to how far attainment within the legal profession in Nigeria can be reduced to an STD is ultimately what confronts the Federal High Court in the case now pending concerning the actions of the current chairman of the Body of Benchers. It is an important question and, for the sake of the profession, one that merits the keen attentions of all persons affected by institutions of the law in Nigeria.

** Chidi Anselm Odinkalu, a professor of law, teaches at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy and can be reached through This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it..

The robots are coming! In science fiction that is usually an ominous warning. In the real world, it is a prediction—and a welcome one. The field of robotics has made impressive progress in the past year, as researchers in universities and industry have applied advances in artificial intelligence (AI) to machines. The same technology that enables chatbots like ChatGPT to hold conversations, or systems like DALL-E to create realistic-looking images from text descriptions, can give robots of all kinds a dramatic brain upgrade.

As a result, robots are becoming more capable, easier to program and able to explain what they are doing. Investors are piling into robotics startups. OpenAI, the creator of ChatGPT, which gave up on robots a few years ago, has changed its mind and started hiring a new robotics team. When brought to bear upon the physical world, previously disembodied AInow appears to have enormous potential.

Robots can inspire fear. Human beings are trained from birth by Hollywood to be afraid of them—the latest incarnation of the ancient tale of the inventor who loses control of his creation. And even if robots are not literally the murderous machines of the “Terminator” films, they can kill off decent-paying jobs in factories and warehouses. Nevertheless, the latest advances in robotics will bring real and substantial benefits.

One is that new “multimodal” AI models combine understanding of language and vision with data from robotic sensors and actuators. This makes it possible to deal with robots using ordinary words. You can ask a robot what it is able to see or tell it to “pick up the yellow fruit”. Such models in effect grant robots a degree of common sense—in this case, knowing that a nearby banana is a kind of yellow fruit. And like a chatbot, a robot can be told to modify its behaviour simply by changing a text prompt, something that would previously have required elaborate reprogramming.

Another benefit is that the new models enable robots to explain the reasoning behind their actions. That is useful when they behave in unexpected or unwelcome ways. So long as robots’ brains are not inscrutable black boxes, programming and debugging them is fairly straightforward. The new models are also less likely to hallucinate—tech-speak for “make things up”—because their perception is grounded in observations of the world, and they aim to ensure that cognitive and physical reality match. That makes them safer and more reliable.

And one more benefit is that robots are getting better at learning quickly through imitation and at generalising from one skill to another. This opens the door for robots to move out of factories and warehouses. Several companies and research groups are using the latest AImodels to build humanoid robots, on the basis that most of the world, unlike an assembly line, has been designed for people to move around in. Labour markets across the rich world are tight—and getting tighter as societies age. As well as boosting productivity while workforces shrink, more capable robots could cook and clean, and care for the aged and the needy.

Advanced economies will need more automation if they are to maintain their standards of living. South Korea, Japan and China are all in the top five countries with the most robots for each manufacturing worker. It is no coincidence that they are also ageing rapidly. Without robots to help out, more people may have to work longer and retire later. In the coming years, attitudes could well flip from fearing the arrival of robots to wishing that they would get here sooner.

 

The Economist

Major oil companies have lamented the impact of oil theft and pipeline vandalism on the availability of crude for local refineries.

Director-General of the Lagos State Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Chinyere Almona, while speaking on behalf of the companies identified crude oil theft and pipeline vandalism as factors hindering the oil majors’ inability to meet their daily quotas.

Almona also explained that modular refineries were finding it hard to get enough crude.

She also identified low crude oil production in Nigeria as a factor limiting international oil companies’ capacity to supply crude to the Dangote Petroleum Refinery, and modular refineries.

Nigeria produces 1,281,478 barrels of crude oil daily (excluding condensates), according to the most recent data from the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission for April 2024.

The country had produced 1,426,574 barrels per day in January this year, but this was not sustained as it dropped to the position seen in April.

The $20bn Dangote refinery in Lagos has the capacity to refine 650,000 barrels per day, while Nigeria’s 25 modular refineries, when fully functional, can take about 200,000 barrels of crude daily.

IOCs and the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited, on behalf of the Federal Government, export crude oil to raise foreign exchange. Crude is an international product, priced in United States dollars.

Oil theft, pipeline vandalism and other challenges in the upstream oil sector have plagued Nigeria’s crude production for several years.

This has led to low oil production in Nigeria, a development which the Oil Producers Trade Section in Nigeria, a subgroup of the Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry, blamed for the inability of IOCs to provide adequate crude oil to Dangote Refinery and other local refineries.

In April, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Abbas Tajudeen, said that Nigeria loses N1.29trn annually to oil theft, pipeline vandalism and other forms of criminality.

Tajudeen, who spoke through the Chairman, House of Representatives Committee on Defence, Babajimi Benson, at the commissioning of the Nigerian Navy Training Command at Eleme, Rivers State, said that Nigeria loses about 300,000 barrels of crude oil per day to theft.

He said the trend was a challenge to the Nigerian Navy to rise to its mandate of contributing to the survival of the national economy.

The President of Dangote Group, Aliko Dangote, had raised the alarm that IOCs in Africa preferred to export crude, instead of serving countries on the continent.

According to him, the international oil companies were used to exporting crude for foreign exchange, adding that they were not ready to stop.

Dangote said though NNPC was doing its best to supply feedstock to the refinery, the IOCs wanted to sell outside the country.

“The NNPC is doing its best, but some of the IOCs, they are struggling to give us crude. Everybody is used to exporting, and nobody wants to stop,” Dangote told CNN recently.

When contacted to get the explanation of the IOCs through the OPTS, the Director-General of the chamber, Almona, explained that the low production of crude in Nigeria was a challenge.

“We realised that due to the low crude production level and other constraints, there might be challenges at the beginning. We can all learn from these teething issues to enrich our regulation of the oil and gas sector for better performance,” she stated.

Almona added that members of the OPTS were also going through their own challenges such as oil theft, which remained a major factor responsible for low crude oil production in the country over the years.

“The issue of oil theft, pipeline vandalism, and policy concerns, among others, are all contributory factors,” she explained to Sunday PUNCH during a telephone interview.

The LCCI DG also pointed out that issues around pricing and supply contracts between the Dangote refinery and IOCs should be granted a “soft landing” by the government through NNPC and NUPRC.

She said, “The issue of IOCs supplying crude oil to Dangote Refinery is a subject of our ongoing conversations around what information is in the public, and our preliminary engagements with some parties.

“Based on public information from Dangote Group, it has been confirmed that some IOCs have been supplying crude to the Dangote refinery. The efforts of the government in ensuring crude supply to Nigerian refineries, including Dangote Refinery, are reasonable.

“However, we call on the NNPC and NUPRC to do more in granting a soft landing to the new refinery if there are any issues around pricing and supply contracts between the two parties.”

The chamber called for a conducive business environment, because crude was an international commodity with international pricing.

Forex struggles

Meanwhile, modular refiners have been pushing for the sale of crude oil in naira, against the usual practice of trading the commodity in dollars.

Their call received some level of response recently, as the government allowed them to pay for the product both in dollars and the naira equivalent based on agreed terms with crude producers, who are primarily IOCs.

The LCCI DG said IOCs would be excited to sell crude to local refineries, but pointed out that the commodity was priced internationally.

“We appreciate the fact that crude is an international commodity traded on open trade terms in international markets, but we can always advocate for a business environment that is supportive of indigenous ventures to encourage more private sector participation in the oil and gas sector.

“Crude oil pricing is based on international reference, and payment guarantees are in place in line with international practice, hence there should be no reason for Nigerian producers, including IOCs, not to be excited about selling to local refineries,” she stated.

Modular refiners affected

Operators of modular refineries have raised concerns severally about their inability to access crude from IOCs.

They also stated that because of this, all functional modular refineries in Nigeria were currently refining below capacity and making losses daily.

Modular refineries are simplified refineries requiring significantly less capital investment than traditional full-scale refineries. The initial process, or Crude Distillation Unit, allows for the simple distillation of crude oil into low-octane naphtha, diesel, kerosene and residual fuel oil.

In Nigeria, modular refineries are crude oil processing facilities with capacities of up to 30,000 barrels per day, and are being built as part of plans to curb oil theft and promote peace in the oil-producing region of the Niger Delta.

Nigeria’s full-scale refineries in Port Harcourt, Warri and Kaduna, under the management of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited, have all been dormant for ages, despite several assurances by the government to fix the plants.

The Deputy Chairman, Crude Oil Refinery Owners Association of Nigeria, Dolapo Kotun, recently explained that modular refineries were finding it tough to get enough crude.

CORAN is a registered association of modular and conventional refinery companies in Nigeria.

Nigeria currently has 25 licensed modular refineries. Five of them are operating and producing diesel, kerosene, black oil and naphtha.

About 10 are under various stages of completion, while the others have received licences to establish.

Operators of modular refineries earlier told our correspondent that aside from the five that are in operation currently, the remaining plants were embattled due to the major challenge of crude oil unavailability, adding that it was a development that had stalled funding from financiers.

“Only about five of our members have completed their refineries. The others are having a major challenge. This challenge is that the people who are supposed to finance them have not disbursed financing for construction because they want some level of guarantee.

“A guarantee that if they finish the refinery, they are going to get feedstock, which, of course, is crude oil,” the Publicity Secretary, CORAN, Eche Idoko, stated.

Regulations

However, the Chief Executive Officer, NUPRC, Gbenga Komolafe, while responding to an enquiry on this matter, insisted that the commission had developed regulations that would ensure crude oil supply to indigenous refiners.

“This still borders on the implementation of the domestic crude oil obligation. First, let me make it clear that establishing a refinery of whatever capacity, whether it is a modular refinery or the bigger sized refinery, is a commercial engagement.

“So, the commission can’t come in to give any form of guarantee. I need to make that clear.

“However, the regulator will only implement the provisions of the PIA given that all the regulatory activities of the commission are expected to comply with the provisions of the law. So, as it relates to guaranteeing feedstock to refiners, that is enshrined under section 109 of the PIA.

“What we have just done in furtherance of that provision is that we have put in place a regulation that has to do with domestic crude oil obligation. In the implementation of that provision, we receive the figures on the domestic refining capacity from the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority.

“Once we receive that, our development and production department factors the numbers against the capacities of the various producers within the upstream sector and makes it obligatory for them (crude producers) to meet those numbers, thereby guaranteeing that volume of supply to existing licensed and operating refineries, not refineries that have not come into existence,” he stated.

The NUPRC boss stressed that “we do not guarantee crude for financing of refineries that have not come into existence.”

The commission had recently promised to ensure that crude oil was supplied to domestic refiners.

It stated that in compliance with the provisions of Section 109(2) of the Petroleum Industry Act 2021, the NUPRC in a landmark move had developed a template guiding the activities of Domestic Crude Oil Supply Obligation.

“The commission in conjunction with relevant stakeholders from NNPC Upstream Investment Management Services, representatives of Crude Oil/Condensate Producers, Crude Oil Refinery-Owners Association of Nigeria, and Dangote Petroleum Refinery came up with the template for the buy-in of all.

“This is in a bid to foster a seamless implementation of the DCSO and ensure consistent supply of crude oil to domestic refineries,” Komolafe had stated.

 

Punch

The proposal by the Federal Government to raise the national minimum wage to N62,000, amidst objections from state governors who argue they cannot afford even N60,000, highlights a critical flaw in the uniform minimum wage policy. This editorial advocates for a non-uniform minimum wage approach, taking into account each state's financial capacity and cost of living.

Federal Allocation and Internally Generated Revenues

Nigeria's states exhibit significant disparities in their financial capabilities. Reports indicate that Lagos State, with an internally generated revenue (IGR) of N651 billion, vastly outperforms many other states combined. Conversely, states like Bayelsa, Katsina, and Akwa Ibom struggle to generate even 10% of their revenue internally, relying heavily on federal allocations to survive. This stark contrast in fiscal health demonstrates the impracticality of a uniform minimum wage. Expecting financially weaker states to meet the same wage standards as wealthier ones is unrealistic and unsustainable.

Cost of Living Variations

The cost of living varies significantly across Nigeria. For instance, Kogi, with an inflation rate of 40.84%, stands as the most expensive state to live in, while states like Abia and Lagos also face high inflation rates. These differences necessitate a nuanced approach to setting minimum wages. A one-size-fits-all policy does not account for the economic realities and living costs that differ from one state to another. It is only logical that states with higher living costs and better revenue generation capacity should have the flexibility to set higher minimum wages, while less affluent states adjust to what is sustainable for them.

Financial Prudence and Development

The Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF) has rightly pointed out that adopting a uniform N60,000 minimum wage would force many states to allocate nearly all their federal allocations to salaries, leaving little for development. Some states might even need to borrow to meet payrolls, a scenario that is not only financially imprudent but also counterproductive to the broader goals of economic development and public service delivery. Financial prudence dictates that states should set minimum wages based on their revenue streams and economic conditions, ensuring they can also fund critical infrastructure and social services.

Socioeconomic Stability

Adopting a non-uniform minimum wage framework can foster greater socioeconomic stability. States would be able to manage their budgets more effectively, avoiding the pitfalls of debt accumulation and service delivery failures. Workers would benefit from wage structures that reflect the economic realities of their localities, ensuring fair compensation that aligns with living costs. This balance would help maintain labour peace and prevent the disruptions that arise from wage-related disputes and strikes.

Policy Recommendations

To implement a non-uniform wage policy effectively, the following steps should be considered:

1. Revenue Assessment: Each state should conduct a thorough assessment of its financial health, including federal allocations and IGR, to determine a feasible minimum wage.

2. Cost of Living Analysis: Regular surveys should be conducted to monitor the cost of living in each state, ensuring wage adjustments reflect economic conditions.

3. Legislative Framework: Amendments to the current wage legislation should allow for regional variations, empowering states to set minimum wages that align with their fiscal capabilities.

4. Stakeholder Engagement: Continuous dialogue between the federal government, state governments, labour unions, and the private sector is essential to achieve consensus and ensure the smooth implementation of regional wage policies.

Conclusion

A uniform minimum wage policy is neither practical nor sustainable for a diverse country like Nigeria. A flexible approach, where wages are set based on a state's financial capacity and cost of living, is more equitable and sensible. It ensures that all workers are paid fair wages while allowing states the flexibility to manage their resources effectively, fostering economic stability and growth across the federation.

Israel rescues 4 hostages taken in Hamas' Oct. 7 attack, and 210 Palestinians are reported killed

Israel on Saturday carried out its largest hostage rescue operation since the latest war with Hamas began, taking four to safety out of central Gaza in a heavy air and ground assault. At least 210 Palestinians were killed, a Gaza health official said.

Israelis were jubilant as the army said it freed Noa Argamani, 26; Almog Meir Jan, 22; Andrey Kozlov, 27; and Shlomi Ziv, 41, in a daytime operation in the heart of Nuseirat, raiding two locations at once while under fire. All were well, the military said. They were taken by helicopter for medical checks and tearful reunions with loved ones after 246 days held.

Argamani had been one of the most widely recognized hostages after being taken, like the three others, from a music festival. The video of her abduction showed her seated between two men on a motorcycle as she screamed, “Don’t kill me!”

Her mother, Liora, has brain cancer and had released a video pleading to see her daughter. Israel’s Channel 13 said Argamani was moved to the hospital where her mother is treated. In a message released by the government, Argamani told Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu she was “very excited,” saying she hadn’t heard Hebrew in so long.

Netanyahu in a statement vowed to continue the fighting until all hostages are freed. The operation was “daring in nature, planned brilliantly, and executed in an extraordinary fashion,” Defense Minister Yoav Gallant said.

Israeli aircraft hummed overhead as the bodies of 109 Palestinians including 23 children and 11 women were taken to Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital, where spokesperson Khalil Degran told The Associated Press more than 100 wounded also arrived. He said that overall, 210 dead had been taken there and to Al-Awda Hospital, saying he had spoken to the director there. Al-Awda’s numbers couldn’t immediately be confirmed.

“The horrific massacre committed today by Netanyahu and his fascist government against the Palestinian people in Gaza, which led to slaughter of 210 and more than 400 wounded so far — under the pretext of liberating those detained by the resistance — confirms what the resistance has said repeatedly: that Netanyahu doesn’t plan to reach an agreement to stop the war and free the captured Israelis peacefully,” said Bassem Naim, a senior Hamas official now based in Lebanon.

AP reporters saw dozens of bodies brought to Al Aqsa hospital from the Nuseirat and Deir al-Balah areas, as smoke rose in the distance and armored vehicles rolled by.

“My two cousins were killed, and two other cousins were seriously injured. They did not commit any sin. They were sitting at home,” one relative said in the chaos at Nuseirat refugee camp.

Neighboring Egypt condemned “with the strongest terms” Israel’s attacks on the Nuseirat refugee camp, with its foreign ministry calling it a “flagrant violation of all rules of international law.” Neighboring Jordan also condemned it.

“The bloodbath must end immediately,” the European Union’s foreign policy chief Josep Borrell said on the social platform X, noting reports of civilian deaths.

Israel’s military said it had attacked “threats to our forces in the area,” adding that one commando died from his wounds.

Israel’s military spokesman, Daniel Hagari, told reporters that military intelligence determined some time ago that the hostages were being held in two apartments, about 200 meters (219 yards) away from each other, in the heart of the Nuseirat camp. He said the forces had trained repeatedly on a model of the apartment buildings.

Hagari said the forces moved in simultaneously in broad daylight on both apartments, believing this ensured the best element of surprise. But he said the rescuers came under heavy fire as they moved out, including from gunmen firing rocket-propelled grenades from within the neighborhood.

“A lot of fire was around us,” he said, adding that the military responded with heavy force, including from aircraft, to extract the rescuers and freed hostages.

A U.S. hostage cell provided advice and support throughout the process of locating and rescuing the hostages, according to a Biden administration official, who was not authorized to comment and requested anonymity. The hostage cells are multi-agency teams.

Pushing back against social media claims, the U.S. Central Command said in a tweet that neither the American-built pier in Gaza that brings in aid for Palestinians by sea nor any of its equipment, personnel or other assets were used in the Israeli operation. It said Israel used an area south of the pier “to safely return hostages.”

Hamas took some 250 hostages during the Oct. 7 attack that killed about 1,200 people. About half were released in a weeklong cease-fire in November. About 120 hostages remain, with 43 pronounced dead. Survivors include about 15 women, two children under 5 and two men in their 80s.

Saturday’s operation brought the total number of rescued hostages to seven. Two were freed in February and one was freed in the aftermath of the October attack. Israeli troops have recovered the bodies of at least 16 others, according to the government.

The latest rescue lifted some spirits in Israel as divisions deepen over the best way to bring hostages home. Many Israelis urge Netanyahu to embrace a cease-fire deal U.S. President Joe Biden announced last month, but far-right allies threaten to collapse his government if he does.

Netanyahu, whose support has fallen, rushed to the hospital to greet the freed hostages and his office released a stream of photos and videos of him meeting the families. But thousands of Israelis again gathered Saturday evening for the latest anti-government demonstration and calls for a cease-fire agreement.

“It’s time to pay the price of a political deal. One deal that will bring them all back without risking soldiers,” said Omri Shtivi, whose brother Idan marked his 29th birthday Saturday while in captivity.

It was unclear what effect the rescue might have on apparently stalled cease-fire efforts. U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken will return to the Middle East next week, seeking a breakthrough.

“The hostage release and cease-fire deal that is now on the table would secure the release of all the remaining hostages together with security assurances for Israel and relief for the innocent civilians in Gaza,” national security adviser Jake Sullivan said in a statement.

International pressure is mounting on Israel to limit civilian bloodshed in its war in Gaza, which reached its eighth month on Friday with more than 36,700 Palestinians killed, according to Gaza’s Health Ministry, which does not distinguish between fighters and civilians.

Palestinians also face widespread hunger because fighting and Israeli restrictions have largely cut off the flow of aid.

Meanwhile, Benny Gantz, a popular centrist member of Israel’s three-member War Cabinet who had threatened to resign from the government if it didn’t adopt a new plan by Saturday for the war in Gaza, postponed an expected announcement. Netanyahu urged him not to step down.

 

AP

RUSSIAN PERSPECTIVE

Russian forces destroy Ukrainian US-supplied armor

Russian forces have destroyed another Ukrainian US-made M1 Abrams tank and an M2 Bradley infantry fighting vehicle in Donbass, the Defense Ministry has said, as quoted by TASS.

In a statement to the agency on Saturday, the ministry said that both vehicles had been taken out in the Avdeevka sector of the front. The strategic city was liberated by Russia in February.

Officials told TASS that the Abrams was hit by a high-precision guided Krasnopol artillery shell fired by troops from the ‘Center’ group of forces, adding that the Bradley was destroyed by a kamikaze drone.

The Krasnopol shell was launched from an Msta-S self-propelled howitzer, with the projectile guided by a reconnaissance drone, according to the statement.

A video shared by several media outlets shows the Russian Msta-S firing from a well-covered position in the woods, with part of the clip filmed from a drone showing an explosion near a barely visible armored vehicle, apparently the Abrams. A close-up from the drone shows the tank being hit on the side, with a plume of smoke rising around the impact area.

Another video published by the media shows a Russian soldier operating a drone, which crashes head-on into a US-made Bradley on a country road.

The US agreed to send a total of 31 Abrams tanks to Ukraine in January 2023, with the batch arriving that autumn. The Russian Defense Ministry reported the destruction of several of the vehicles, one of which was displayed in Moscow last month as part of a trophy show.

In late April this year, Ukraine reportedly pulled back its Abrams tanks from the front because Russian drone strikes were making their battlefield operations much more difficult. At the time, AP estimated that Kiev had lost a total of five Abrams.

Ukraine also received around 200 Bradleys, around a third of which had been destroyed, abandoned, damaged, or captured by March, according to data from open-source military intelligence site Oryx.

 

WESTERN PERSPECTIVE

Ukraine air defence downs 9 out of 13 Russian drones over four regions

Ukrainian air defence and mobile drone hunters groups shot down nine out of 13 Russian drones over four regions of the country, the air force said on Saturday.

The Iranian-made Shahed drones were downed over the central Poltava region, southeastern Zaporizhzhia and Dnipropetrovsk regions, and the Kharkiv region in the northeast, the statement said. One X-59 Russian missile launched from Russia's Kursk region was also downed.

Serhiy Lysak, Dnipropetrovsk regional governor, said the overnight drone attack damaged commercial and residential buildings and also a power line. Details of the damage in other regions were not immediately clear.

It was not the best of days for cab driver Suberu as he meandered his way through the thick traffic caused by those struggling to get fuel into their vehicles. He had spent the previous night in a nauseating queue just to get twenty liters of petrol. He inched his way through Foko and made a right turn to Agbokojo when a woman visibly drenched by her own sweat flagged him to a stop and asked to be taken to Idi Arere.

At Idi Arere, Nimota disembarked and handed over a dirty piece of l00 Naira note to Suberu. “You must be out of your mind!” Suberu thundered.

'What's the problem, you this Jackal?' Nimota responded in kind.

“If you have eyes you should have seen that vehicles are scarce on the roads”

“If your head is on your neck, you should have known how to address a lady”, replied Nimota.

“You, you this Michelin tyre lady? Did you look in the mirror before you set out this morning?”

“Your mother is the Michelin tyre”. Nimota bellowed.

All this while, Suberu's taxi was staying right in the middle of the road, and the driver did not care a bit for other road users. It was all in character.

“You this shameless woman. If you knew you could not afford taxi charges why did you not go on Okada?”

“Send your mother on Okada” Replied Nimota.

“You know no Okada will risk carrying you with the huge load in your backyard”, Suberu teased.

“Don't go there, you son of twenty fathers!” Nimota was quick to respond.

“It's not your fault, Madam Bakasi, all your peers are in Abuja where every body is stealing and milking the nation, and here you are, unable to pay taxi money”.

“And why did you not go to Abuja too? Look at you, a common cab driver. All your peers are professors in Ado Ekiti and you are roasting in a ramshackle vehicle.”

“I thank God. Your father could not see you beyond primary six. If I must remind you: your mother was running off with her tenth husband when your father abandoned you and your siblings.” Suberu thought he was having his pound of flesh.

“You foolish man. You think you are qualified to abuse my mother? You? Who does not know your mother in this town? Your mother was just a public toilet!”

By now a huge number of spectators had gathered round the duo in verbal warfare. And rather than pacify them, they seemed to be enjoying the hot exchange of profanities.

Vehicles had massed behind Suberu's ailing vehicle and all the police men that were supposed to restore sanity were happy with the twenty Naira road toll they were collecting.

A city councillor emerged from nowhere with his superfluous agbada made of more starch than cloth. Nimota looked somewhat relieved.

“What's the matter? How come you are in argument with a common driver?” Mr councillor asked, turning to Nimota.

“My God, is that you Kafaru?” Suberu screamed

“Who are you?” Mr Councillor challenged Cab driver Suberu.

'Are you blind or what? Because thuggery put you in the Local Government Council, you are now superior to us? I thank God I'm a cab driver, but you were just a common tout at the garage. Have you forgotten so soon?” Suberu gave a jab with his tongue.

Nimota was shocked to learn that Kafaru was a mere 'Agbero' before his brawn got him a councillorship.

Turning to Nimota, Suberu asked “Now that you have seen one of your numerous customers, will you tell him to pay before you render service in return?”

“I said you are a son of twenty fathers. Which service does your mother render her customers?” Nimota was losing her temper.

“You are an idiot. Look at your head: the head of a cow. Look at your nose: the nose of hippopotamus. Look at your chest: a mountain of sorts”. Suberu charged.

“Silly wag. You dropped out of school. Your brothers dropped out of school. You are a taxi driver. Your brother is a vulcaniser. Your other brother is a panel beater. Your uncle is a smelling butcher. Your father's father's father was a mercenary.” Replied Nimot.

“You see how ignorant you are. Are we not all Shon of the Shoil? This is Ibadan. This is my place of birth. I am very proud I am an Ibadan. Foolish woman. May be you don't know that Ibadan is the largest indigenous city on earth. How would you know when you are busy running after a tout turned a Councillor?” Suberu queried.

As Councillor Kafaru was about to pay, the cab driver insisted that he would not stain his hand with the councillor's 'blood' money. “Not me”, he said. “I will not touch money coming from all you rogues who have brought sadness to Nigerians. You know how most of you came to power and position, you harlots. You rogues. You cheats. You electoral frauds. God will punish you all”. Suberu was getting angrier.

Councillor Kafaru suddenly removed his agbada and was about to get physical with the cab driver.

Suberu reached for a dagger in the locker of his cab. “Come near me, and you will see. It is time you thieves masquerading as leaders are taught some lesson.” Suberu too was spoiling for a fight.

Nimota removed her head tie, tied the cloth round her waist and stood behind councillor Kafari, fuming.

An elderly gentleman emerged from a corner street and addressed the two warring camps. “Why must you people continue to give Ibadan and the Ibadans a bad name? If you boarded a taxi, did you not agree on a fee? And Mr cab driver, if you both agreed on a price why should there be this hullabaloo? How much are you fighting about that you have wasted almost thirty minutes of each other's time, held traffic up unnecessarily, and sent stones of words to your parents at home?” The Elderly man intervened.

The difference of 50 Kobo which was the bone of contention was paid by the elderly gentleman while the trio left the scene pouring invectives on one another.

“Your mother”

“Your father”

“Son of a bitch”

“Daughter of one thousand fathers!”

First published April 27, 2009

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Yesterday, General Sani Abacha clocked 28 years in the grave. Abacha’s sudden expiration at the thick of his maximal and maniacal rule reminds Nigerians, especially those who were old enough in 1998 when he died, of how human beings should never play god. Abacha ruled with iron fist, after his seizure of power. He summarily executed dissidents and political opponents while those who held other views disappeared without trace. A very interesting equation was when he ordered the deaths of Generals Oladipo Diya and Abdukareem Adisa for plotting to sack him. As Epo Akara, the Ibadan Awurebe musical lord, sang, death will kill the chanter and the enchanter. The three of them died their own deaths and alighted from life’s moving bus immediately they got to their bus-stops. Abacha was however credited with several economic feats, especially his standing up to the IMF and other western power blocs. He also filched Nigeria of billions of dollars which he kept in Switzerland and other jurisdictions like Lichtenstein, the United Kingdom and the United States.

After Abacha’s death, many other Nigerian leaders have been playing god. Post-succession battles in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic between governors and their successors are battles of men who play god. Their exploits can best be depicted in anecdotes. Those battles have thrown up more moral than political questions. Should successor governors be loyal to their predecessor-benefactors at the expense of the people? Today, a post-succession battle is raging in Kaduna State. It is between El-Rufai and his anointed successor, Uba Sani. Whether muffled or loud, post-succession battles can be found in many one-year governments that took over from incumbents in 2023. From Rivers to Akwa-Ibom, Cross-River to Zamfara, protégés are becoming the falcons that have refused to hear the lullabies of falconers.

In pre- and post-colonial Yoruba society, folklores, fables, among others, helped to tame the greed, as well as any tendency within it to play god. Suchlike stories helped to shape the moral man in Africa. His cosmology was governed by anecdotes, lore and mores, which prescribed moral codes. For centuries, folklores sustained the associational and moral forte of Africa. Anecdotes that restrained a potential emperor from treading the path of ruination were told to children, even in their infancy; the same about petty thieves who came to ghastly ends. For instance, the destructive end of greed was foretold in pre-colonial Yoruba society in the emblematic story of Tortoise and the scalding hot porridge. He had cupped the porridge while it was being cooked and covertly put it on his head which burnt his scalp.

An example is the anecdote told of a young wretched fisherman called the Ap’ejalodo. Set in an African Yoruba village, the fisherman was ravaged by failure on all fronts. He was unable to catch enough fish over the years to rescue him from the pangs of lack. One day however, as he thrust his fishing hook into the river, it caught one of the largest fishes he had ever seen. Excited, Ap’ejalodo pulled his awesome catch up the river bank and proceeded to yank it off the hook. As he attempted to carry it to the basket, the fish began to speak like a human being. Ap’ejalodo was at first afraid and ran away from the river bank. He however eventually pulled himself together, approached his queer hunk of a catch and listened to the sermon of the strange fish. Singing “Ap’ejalodo, mo de, ja lo lo, ja lo lo…” (Fisherman, here I come…) the fish pleaded to be rescued from the harrowing pain of the hook by the fisherman. It promised that if he spared its life, in lieu of this rescue, the Ap’ejalodo should ask for whatever he wanted in life. Excited, Ap’ejalodo lets it off the hook, having asked for wealth. Truly, by the time he got home, the ragged clothes on him and his wife had become a very big damask agbada and aran respectively. The couple’s wretched hut had also transformed into a big mansion. Both of them subsequently lived the life of unimaginable splendour.

After a few years, the couple was however barren. The wife entreated Ap’ejalodo to go fishing again and ask his fish friend to rescue them from the social shame of non-procreation. As he thrusted his hook into the river, Ap’ejalodo caught the strange fish again and the earlier process was repeated. This time, he asked for a child and the strange fish granted it. Over the years, Ap’ejalodo magisterially summoned the fish through the same process and the fish kept bailing the couple out. Then one day, as Ap’ejalodo and wife were waking up from their magnificent bed, a blinding and intruding ray of the sun meandered into their bedroom. Enraged, Mrs. Ap’ejalodo couldn’t understand the diffidence of the Sun. Couldn’t it respect the privacy and majesty of the richest couple in the land? She angrily entreated Ap’ejalodo to go meet his fish friend and ask that they be given the power to control the Sun and the insolent temerity of other impertinent celestial forces.

Off Ap’ejalodo went to the river bank, thrust his fishing hook into the river and again invoked the strange fish. And Ap’ejalodo made his plea. The fish was peeved by the fisherman’s greed and audacity: “You were nobody; I made you somebody and you now have everything at your beck and call. Yet, you want to compete with God in majesty and you will not allow even a common Sun to shine and perform the illuminative assignment God gave it on earth!” The fish angrily stormed back into the river and as Ap’ejalodo, downcast, walked back home, his old torn and wretched dress suddenly came back on him, his mansion transformed into the hut of the past and the couple’s latter wretchedness was more striking than the one of yore.

Make no mistake about it: Nasir El-Rufai is brilliant and bold. He matches his heart of a lion with the cold calculation of a deadly viper. Ever since he surreptitiously gained public attention as General Abdulsalami Abubakar’s economic adviser in 1998, up to being the DG of the Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE) in 1999, the god who sat by the furnace to cook the broth of Nasir’s destiny didn’t appear ready to leave the furnace. The short-statured Nasir rose to become one of the most powerful Turks in the current civil experience, leaving no one in doubt that he would play consequential roles in the then emerging Fourth Republic. He later became Minister of the FCT. As FCT Minister, Nasir was unorthodox. He was profiled as cold-hearted as a cobra. Decisions that scared the rest of humanity were his forte. He mowed down thousands of houses and evicted landlords in the neighbourhood of 800,000 from their homes. He however restored sanity to an otherwise chaotic Abuja Master-plan. One of his demolitions that marked him out as fearless was the house of his party’s National Chairman, Ahmadu Ali, that he brought to its knees. Nasir was dead to adversity, caverlierly dismissed court suits, and the tomes of blackmails and threats to his life that were as rife as mushrooms in a farm plantation.

As governor from 2015 to 2023, clips of his infrastructural midas-touches in Kaduna State surfaced as commendable examples for the republic. International organisations commended him for adhering to due process. But Nasir’s heart was sculpted with pebbles. As his power assumed limitless proportion mounted and majesty quadrupled his height in power calculus, he acquired the powers of gods. Like a god that he thought himself to be, Nasir determined who lived and who deserved to meet their creator. He made seismic social and political pronouncements capable of ruining national edifices, especially on religion. He demolished thousands of houses of friends and foes, most notable being that of Othman Hunkuyi who represented Kaduna North in the senate. In what was seen as power audacity, Nasir disengaged over 21,000 school teachers after they failed a competency test that his government set. In one fell swoop, he showed the door to 4,000 local government employees, a figure perceived to be high in a slightly over 100,000 staff council. These were a tip of the iceberg in tough, brutal, brave and suicidal decisions Nasir made in public service. Many claimed he took those decisions due to ego and sense of personal consequence. To show how much grip he had of the governance structure in Kaduna State, notwithstanding these deadly decisions he took, Nasir still succeeded in producing a successor in Uba Sani who, it will appear, is his nemesis in power today.

Succession politics in Nigerian states has always been chaotic and a deadly battle. It seems to have taken its cue from coups de’tat planned by military despots. Nigeria’s earliest encounter with succession politics was self-succession bids of military rulers. And it happened on October 1, 1974. On that day, Yakubu Gowon, who emerged Nigeria’s military leader after the July, 1966 coup which ousted the first military regime, said the handover date to civilians he earlier offered was unrealistic. He announced an indefinite postponement of the handover. This became one of the justifications for his overthrow on July, 29 1975. Then came Ibrahim Babangida. His self-succession bid has been likened to a woman who periodically changes her mind about going to the market. Babangida deliberately scuttled his own transition to civil rule programmes, altering the calendar and sacrificing huge national resources in the process. He engaged in a roulette of banning, unbanning politicians and finally annulled the June 12 election.

His military successor, Abacha, also romanced self-succession by sponsoring groups underground like the Youths Earnestly Ask for Abacha (YEAA) to covertly campaign for his presidency in 1998. In the current Fourth Republic, a civil government that toyed with self-succession was that of President Olusegun Obasanjo who, in early 2005, got his supporters to move to amend the Nigerian constitution for an extension of presidential and gubernatorial term limits to three, from its present two. Though opposed to it in the open, Obasanjo was said to have bribed legislators to vote for the alteration of the constitution. However, on May 16, 2006, the federal parliaments effectively nipped it in the bud.

In this republic, the graveyard of governor godsons fighting their godfather-successors to a standstill is filled with carcasses. They enter Government Houses hunchbacked by their predecessors but, no sooner than they enter governmental palaces than these anointed godsons shut the gates. And the bubble bursts, while the cookies begin to crumble. Some of the cookies were immediate while many took longer time to get shattered into smithereens. In Lagos, the Tinubu-Raji Fashola experiment, what many saw for almost four years as matrimony worthy of example, exploded towards the end of the first term. The godfather was the de facto governor, determining the political barometer of politics, its finance and what prebends to give to political hirelings in the distribution of the largesse of power. Not until the re-election campaign of Fashola in 2011 did the cracks begin to be noticeable, revealing the godfather/godson as proverbial seeds in a walnut pod. You remember the cryptic phrase, “may your loyalty never be tested…”? The godson was between the devil and the deep blue sea.

In many other states at this time, the matrimonies suffered ruptures almost immediately. James Ibori succeeded in making his first cousin, Emmanuel Uduaghan, his successor in Delta. The godfather continued to reap dividends of his ‘investments’ in the godson. I am told that Uduaghan surreptitiously did in his cousin, Ibori, even while serving his term in the UK slammer. In Enugu, Sullivan Chime was still governor-elect when he started to undo all that his mentor and godfather put in place. He spent eight years trying to pull down the Ebeano political structure that midwifed him. Orji Kalu suffered same fate in Abia, where his erstwhile chief of staff, T. A. Orji, who was in the EFCC custody while his election was taking place, eventually emerged governor. Orji spent his years in government firing ballistic missiles at Kalu who spent billions of state funds to skew the process in his favour. This was replicated in virtually all the states, even in the 2015 and 2019 elections where anointed godsons, having mutated to become godfathers themselves, attempted to foist their own godsons as successors. For example, Chime’s godson, Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, eventually turned out his political pallbearer. In Anambra, Peter Obi, while shopping for a godson, sidestepped the generally accepted skewer-minded political class, and walked into the supposedly sane banking hall in search of an urbane, corporate world executive. He got Willie Obiano. Less than a year after, the strange, somber-looking Obiano had transmuted from the gentleman who couldn’t hurt a fly into a stone-hearted political principality who strenuously presided over Obi’s political funeral and nunc-dimitis. Same is replicated in Kano where Umar Ganduje, erstwhile Rabiu Kwankwaso’s lickspittle, became a hydra-headed monster who eventually swallowed his ex-boss. The story of political betrayal, otherwise known as attempts by political godsons to be men of their own, has mutated dangerously ever since.

The two examples that are shattering the roof of political discussions today are those of Nyesom Wike/Fubara and El-Rufai/Sani. After openly announcing that his government met multiple of billions of debt in the state, Sani, held a town hall meeting where he announced that he inherited a lean treasury which made payment of salaries herculean. In April, a 13-man ad-hoc committee of the State House of Assembly, headed by the Deputy Speaker, Henry Danjuma, to probe El-Rufai’s administration began to investigate all finances, loans and contracts awarded under El-Rufai. Last Wednesday, that committee submitted its report and indicted El-Rufai and a few of his appointees of siphoning N423b state funds. El-Rufai, however, described the outcome of the probe as false and scandalous. What may however be troubling is the allegation that Sani is merely the fly dancing on top of the river. And that the one beating the drum may actually live in Aso Rock. This will be disturbing because El-Rufai deserves his comeuppance from inside the Kaduna where he played god and not from external manipulators. In Rivers, Wike met his match in a deadly power user, Fubara, who seems to have exorcised the ghost of Wike’s flippancy and public irritancy.

Many people have falsely looked at the spats in post-succession governors’ battles of the Fourth Republic from the moral lens. Which it is not. The spats arise simply from the fact that governors, who ab-initio were themselves bereft of power like Ap’ejalodo who lacked money, play god. The common people of Nigeria must continue to pray that the Wikes and El-Rufais will continually meet their Fubaras and Sanis waterloos. It is only in this that the governors will learn their bitter lessons. Except in Lagos where succession politics is sustained with huge miasma of metaphysics and corruption, there is scarcely any state of the federation where predecessor godfather governors are not regretting their choices today.

This Wednesday also marks the 31st anniversary of the June 12 struggle. The present inheritors of the struggle must step back and do a rethink of June 12. How much of the life abundant which MKO Abiola envisioned are the people in Aso Rock bringing the way of Nigerian people? Would MKO have reserved a “bragging right” in the thick of a weeping, wailing and gnashing of teeth economy that we have today? If Abiola looks back from the grave, would he be happy with those who claim he was their democratic progenitor? A government that is almost a coalition of NADECO activists and Abacha progenies is an odd assortment. Will Abiola be happy that the Lagos Landlord is waking Abacha from the dead by making Atiku Bagudu, Abacha’s bagman and the Chagouris, the goggled General’s financiers, the main engine room of his government? Perhaps, Colonel Frank Omenka will soon become the Chief of Army Staff?