WESTERN PERSPECTIVE

Putin orders conscription of 133,000 servicemen in Russia's autumn draft

Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered the conscription of 133,000 new servicemen in Russia's autumn draft that starts Oct. 1 and goes until the end of the year, according to a Kremlin decree published on Monday.

The decree, published in Russian state-run newspaper Rossiyskaya Gazeta, calls to carry out the draft of citizens "aged 18 to 30 years, who are not in the reserve and are subject to conscription in accordance with the Federal Law ... in the amount of 133,000 people."

The head of Russia's conscription office, Vice-Admiral Vladimir Tsimlyansky said that the terms for the conscript remain the same: 12-month service in military units in Russia.

"I would like to note that conscripts will not be called up to participate in the special military operation in the new regions," Rossiyskaya Gazeta cited Tsimlyansky as saying.

Russia calls its war in Ukraine, which it started with a full-scale invasion in February 2022, a special military operation. Kyiv and its allies call it an unprovoked, imperialistic attempt to grab land.

In a move condemned by most of the Western world, Russia annexed parts of southeastern Ukraine in late 2022, calling the land 'new regions.'

Citing growing threats on Russia's western borders, Putin in September ordered the Russian army to be increased by 180,000 troops to 1.5 million active servicemen, a move that would make it the second largest in the world after China's.

Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelenskiy, U.S. President Joe Biden and other NATO leaders have blamed Putin for being the sole aggressor in the conflictin Ukraine and posing threats to other of its neighbours.

RUSSIAN PERSPECTIVE

Zelensky ready to fire spy chief – media

Ukrainian military intelligence chief Kirill Budanov could soon be forced to resign, and his successor is likely to have already been chosen, the New Voice (NV) news site reported on Sunday, citing a law enforcement agency source. 

Rumors of Budanov’s possible dismissal began to circulate shortly after Ukrainian leader Vladimir Zelensky sacked half of the cabinet in early September. The purge included then Foreign Minister Dmitry Kuleba and the Deputy Prime Minister for European Integration Olga Stefanishina.

It has also been also reported that there have been “serious tensions”between Budanov, the head of the Main Directorate of Intelligence (HUR), and Zelensky’s chief of staff, Andrey Yermak – described by The Times as the de facto ruler of Ukraine – which could be a factor in his potential removal. 

Commenting on the rumors that Budanov will be fired, the NV’s source said that this “option exists.”

However, the source denied reports that the intelligence chief would follow Ukraine’s former top general, Valery Zaluzhny, by being appointed as an ambassador abroad. 

According to the source, the head of the Foreign Intelligence Service, Oleg Ivashchenko, is likely to succeed Budanov. 

There have been no official statements from the HUR so far. 

Budanov was appointed as military intelligence chief in 2020, and previously served as deputy director of the Department of Foreign Intelligence. 

While it is typical of Zelensky to conduct purges after battlefield setbacks, some view the recent mass firing of ministers as an attempt by Yermak to concentrate power. 

A member of the Verkhovna Rada Committee on National Security, Sergey Rakhmanin, told the NV last week that the talks about Budanov’s possible dismissal were “precisely a sign” that his relationship with Yermak had deteriorated. 

“As a rule, as soon as rumors start to appear that someone might leave their position, confirmation soon follows that, for one reason or another, either the person has quarreled with the head of the office or their relationship has worsened,” he added.

Reuters/RT

When one looks for a figure who best represents the worst tendencies of our brutal age, the first names that come to mind include Yahya Sinwar (Hamas’s leader in Gaza), Binyamin Netanyahu, Kim Jong-un, or Vladimir Putin. But that is primarily because we are bombarded with news about these leaders. If we widen the lens to account for horrors that Western mainstream media largely ignore, those waging Sudan’s civil war stand out even more. The country’s new warlords are displaying shocking cruelty and indifference toward their own people (or those living in the regions they control), including by systematically hampering the flow of humanitarian aid and taking an exorbitant amount of it for themselves.

The situation in Sudan exposes a global economic logic that has remained obfuscated in other cases. Back in 2019, widespread demonstrationstoppled the country’s longtime dictator, Omar al-Bashir, whose reign at least had maintained a semblance of peace and stability following the secession of South Sudan (a predominantly Christian country that is now mired in its own civil war). Then, following a brief moment of transitional government and renewed hopes for democratization, a brutal war erupted between two Muslim warlords: General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, the leaderof the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) who is still nominally head of state, and Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (or Hemedti, meaning “little Mohamed”), the commander of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and one of the country’s wealthiest men.

The RSF is behind some of the worst atrocities of the current conflict, including the Khartoum massacre on June 3, 2019, when more than 120 protestors were killed, hundreds more wounded, thousands of women raped, and many homes pillaged. More recently, Dagalo’s forces triggered a new cycle of violence on April 15, 2023, when they launched a broad assault on SAF bases across the country, including in the capital, Khartoum.

Although both sides express a vague commitment to democracy, no one takes such claims seriously. What they really mean is, “First we have to win the war; then we’ll see.” This is an understandable position to take. To all those involved, a mostly benevolent dictatorship like Paul Kagame’s regimein Rwanda may be the best that one can realistically hope for. 

Further complicating matters is the role of external forces. For example, Russia’s Wagner Group, the Libyan National Army (under the command of Khalifa Haftar), and the United Arab Emirates have reportedly furnished the RSF with military supplies, helicopters, and weapons on a scale that has left it better armed than the SAF. Meanwhile, the SAF has been looking for its own backers, not least China.

But the RSF has another major advantage: Dagalo controls a region with abundant gold reserves that allow him to purchase all the weapons he needs. We are thus reminded of a sad truth facing many developing countries: natural resources are as likely to be a source of violence and poverty as they are to underpin peace and prosperity.

The quintessential example is the Democratic Republic of the Congo, which has long been cursed by its reserves of critical minerals, diamonds, and gold. If it had no such resources, it would still be poor, but it might be a happier, more peaceful place to live. The DRC is also an exemplary case of how the developed West contributes to the circumstances for mass migration. Behind the façade of “primitive” ethnic passions exploding yet again in the African “heart of darkness,” one can discern the unmistakable contours of global capitalism.

After the fall of Mobutu Sese Soko in 1997, the DRC ceased to exist as a functioning state. Its eastern region now comprises a multiplicity of territories ruled by local warlords whose armies press-gang and drug children and maintain business ties with the foreign corporations that are exploiting the region’s mineral reserves. This arrangement serves both partners: the corporations get mining rights without having to pay state taxes, and the warlords get money with which to buy arms. Many of these minerals then end up in our laptops, mobile phones, and other high-tech products. The problem is not the “savage” customs of the local population; it is the foreign companies and the wealthy consumers who buy their products. Remove them from the equation and the entire edifice of ethnic warfare crumbles.

The DRC is no exception, as demonstrated by the de facto dismemberment – or, rather, “Congo-ization” – of Libya following NATO’s intervention and the fall of Muammar al-Gaddafi in 2011. Since then, much of Libya’s territory has been ruled by local armed gangs who sell oil directly to foreign customers, reminding us of capitalism’s tenacity in securing a steady supply of cheap raw materials. This is why so many states damned with the resource curse remain condemned to their plight.

The tragic upshot is that no party in ongoing conflicts is innocent or righteous. In Sudan, the problem is not just the RSF; both sides are playing the same brutal game. The situation cannot be reduced to a “backward” people who are not ready for democracy, because it is really about the continuing economic colonization of Africa – not just by the West but also by China, Russia, and rich Arab countries. We should not be surprised that Central Africa is increasingly dominated by Russian mercenaries and Muslim fundamentalists.

Yanis Varoufakis has written eloquently about the passage of capitalism to “technofeudalism,” as evidenced by the Big Tech companies’ de facto monopolies over their respective markets. In countries like Sudan and the DRC, however, we have something closer to the feudalism of medieval times. In fact, both descriptions are true: we are increasingly living under a combination of high-tech and analog feudalism. This is why Hemedti – even more than Elon Musk – is the true avatar of our era.

Project Syndicate

Shani Harmon

For every good reason to change the way we work, there are dozens of excuses for why not to. In the decades I’ve been trying to help organizations work in ways that produce joy and productivity, I have encountered every possible type of resistance.

It seems inconceivable that individuals wouldn’t make small changes to their behavior in service of a better workday. Especially when those changes have been proven to lead to more efficient and effective collaboration.

But yet, what we see time and again is initial excitement turning into cynicism when back in the day-to-day. Team members commit to making positive change such as shortening their default meeting duration to create buffer time, but then lose their will when no one else follows suit. Our social brain follows the pack. And when the pack hunkers down in old ways of working, everyone else does too.

So who leads the pack? (That’s a rhetorical question.) Leaders are sending constant, conscious and unconscious cues through their words and actions. We call these “leader signals,” and they’re the primary way teams understand how to behave in order to succeed.

If you’re looking to unleash greater productivity and speed across your team, leverage your own leader signals as a catalyst. Here’s how:

Start with the why

While improving the way teams collaborate ultimately saves exponential time and frustration, it’s not a quick fix. Be clear about your goals and paint a picture of success: “Imagine a world where your day is a balance of thinking time, collaboration, and good meetings. One where we all get the day’s work done within the workday. That’s what we’re striving for.”

Model the change

“Do as I say, not as I do” just isn’t going to cut it when it comes to changing ways of working. For example, if “no meeting Fridays” are part of your plan to carve out focused work time for the team, sneaking in 1:1s and other meetings is going to signal that 1) focus time isn’t really a priority, and 2) ignoring the rest of your new norms is fair game.

When there is misalignment between a leader’s messages and behavior, the team can quickly become disillusioned. Instead, leaders must visibly, vocally, and consistently model the change, even when things get busy (which they will).

Keep communicating

Just like viral news stories fade into the background, so do change efforts. Once the initial hype is over, it can be easy for business as usual to resume. Instead, try maintaining the momentum through deliberate and frequent communications, e.g., “tips of the week” via your messaging channel, regularly spotlighting team success stories, or even tracking stats. (Trying 45-minute meetings instead of an hour? Keep a count of the minutes your team saves over the course of the quarter.)

Provide resources

While an offsite or an all-team workshop is a great way to introduce new practices, one training session isn’t going to be enough to make the change stick. Schedule follow-on sessions to check in on progress and collectively troubleshoot challenges. We also recommend documenting the new norms, ideally along with some tips and tricks for putting them into practice, and posting them in a place where the whole team has easy access.

We get it – change isn’t easy, especially when the work is plentiful and time is scarce. But by prioritizing consistency and communication, your leader signals will drive better ways of working.

Forbes

Since President Bola Tinubu's inauguration on May 29, 2023, the Nigerian Naira has experienced a sharp and persistent decline in value. At the time of Tinubu's assumption of office, the official exchange rate stood around N465/$. However, after the decision to float the Naira and unify Nigeria’s multiple exchange rates, the currency has depreciated dramatically, losing over 70% of its value. As of recent, the Naira traded at about N1,700/$ in the parallel market, marking a massive devaluation that has exacerbated Nigeria's inflationary pressures and living costs.

Several factors have contributed to this devaluation, with the following issues making it clear that the Naira will not appreciate in value in the near future.

1. Dependence on Crude Oil and Declining Output

Nigeria’s economy is heavily dependent on crude oil exports, which make up the bulk of the country’s foreign exchange earnings. However, Nigeria’s oil production has been hampered by significant challenges, especially massive oil theft in the Niger Delta region. While Nigeria once produced up to 2.4 million barrels per day (bpd), current estimates show the country’s output now hovers around 1.5 million bpd. This reduction severely limits Nigeria’s capacity to generate foreign exchange through oil exports.

Additionally, a significant portion of Nigeria’s future oil output is already committed to servicing loans, such as the recent $3.2 billion loan from the African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank). The use of oil receipts to offset debts reduces the foreign exchange available to support the Naira.

2. Dangote Refinery and the Opportunity Cost of Local Refining

The much-anticipated Dangote Refinery, which promises to reduce Nigeria’s dependence on imported refined petroleum products, is often cited as a possible solution to the Naira’s challenges. The refinery is expected to conserve about 35% of foreign exchange that Nigeria currently spends on fuel imports.

However, this gain comes with a significant trade-off. Instead of exporting crude oil to earn foreign currency, the government will have to sell crude oil to the refinery in Naira, thus missing out on potential foreign exchange earnings. This opportunity cost diminishes the potential benefit of local refining, further complicating efforts to stabilize or improve the value of the Naira.

3. Challenges in the Manufacturing Sector

Nigeria’s manufacturing sector has been severely constrained by the scarcity of foreign exchange and rising energy costs. Manufacturers who previously produced goods for export to the broader West African market are now struggling to stay afloat, as they face difficulties in obtaining the necessary foreign currency to import machinery, raw materials, and energy supplies.

The continued shutdown of manufacturing concerns means fewer foreign exchange inflows from non-oil exports, further weakening Nigeria's ability to accumulate foreign reserves and support the Naira. This sectoral decline contributes to the shortage of foreign exchange that is essential for stabilizing the currency.

4. Weak Foreign Investment Inflows

The floating of the Naira and exchange rate unification were intended to attract foreign investment by aligning the official and parallel market rates. However, the desired influx of foreign capital has not materialized at the scale needed to stabilize the currency. Foreign investors remain cautious, given Nigeria’s economic uncertainties, policy instability, and security risks.

Additionally, Nigeria’s high inflation rate, currently well above 30%, coupled with rising interest rates in developed economies, has made it less attractive for investors seeking stable returns. This is exacerbated by foreign exchange controls and difficulties in repatriating profits, making Nigeria a less appealing investment destination.

5. Inflation and Monetary Policy Limitations

The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has faced challenges in managing inflation, which has been driven by both currency depreciation and supply-side factors, such as fuel and food price increases. The CBN's efforts to stabilize the Naira through higher interest rates and intervention in the foreign exchange market have so far been insufficient to counteract the broader forces driving the Naira’s depreciation.

Moreover, the float of the Naira, while theoretically designed to attract investment, has led to increased speculation and instability in the foreign exchange market, contributing to further depreciation. The divergence between the official rate and the parallel market rate has also created uncertainty, making it difficult for the CBN to exert effective control over the currency.

6. Global Economic Conditions

Global economic conditions, such as the increasing strength of the U.S. dollar due to rising interest rates by the Federal Reserve (until the first rate cut 2 weeks ago) have made it more expensive for countries like Nigeria to service foreign debt and acquire essential imports. As the U.S. dollar appreciates against other currencies, the Naira, already under pressure from domestic factors, has depreciated further.

The higher cost of servicing foreign debt means Nigeria must allocate more of its dwindling foreign reserves toward debt repayment, further reducing the amount of foreign exchange available to support the Naira.

7. Foreign Currency Hoarding and Capital Flight

A critical, often overlooked, factor in the Naira’s persistent depreciation is the behavior of Nigeria’s political and business elites, who hoard foreign currencies as a store of value, largely outside the banking system. This is partly driven by corruption, as vast sums of looted funds are kept in foreign currencies, particularly the U.S. dollar, and stashed both domestically and abroad.

In addition, a sizeable portion of illicit funds is laundered through export proceeds, particularly from the sale of primary products like crude oil and agricultural commodities. These proceeds are often not repatriated to Nigeria, exacerbating the foreign exchange crisis. By holding wealth in foreign currencies, elites increase the demand for hard currency while simultaneously reducing the supply of foreign exchange in the official system, creating additional pressure on the Naira.

Furthermore, these elites often prefer to keep their assets in more stable economies to hedge against domestic economic instability, thus fueling capital flight. This further depletes Nigeria’s foreign exchange reserves, as money that could have been used to shore up the Naira is instead flowing out of the country.

The Outlook for the Naira

The Naira is unlikely to appreciate in the short or medium term, given the structural challenges facing Nigeria’s economy. The combination of reduced oil production, opportunity costs from local refining, a struggling manufacturing sector, limited foreign investment inflows, inflationary pressures, and the hoarding of foreign currencies by the elites all contribute to a pessimistic outlook for the currency. Unless significant reforms are implemented to address these issues, including tackling corruption and illicit financial outflows, the Naira’s depreciation trend will likely continue, worsening the economic hardship for many Nigerians.

The Chairman, Manufacturing Association of Nigeria (MAN) Edo/Delta branch, Ehizogie Osadolor, has said that most manufacturing companies in Nigeria are operating below 30 per cent of their capacity due to some government’s policies which have crippled the sector.

Osadolor said this at the 38th annual general meeting of the Edo/Delta branch yesterday in Benin with the theme ‘Igniting Economic Growth and Development through Improved Competitiveness of Made-In-Nigeria Goods’.

He listed the policies affecting the manufacturing sector, including high electricity tariffs, high exchange rate, high lending interest rate, multiple taxes and levies, removal of fuel subsidy, floating of the naira, exchange rate policies and increase in monetary policy rate, among others.

“As a result of the high exchange rate, manufacturers were unable to import the raw materials needed for production, leading to a considerable reduction in capacity utilization of many companies to 30 per cent.”

Osadolor said it is worrisome that the key operational challenges identified over the years by the association are yet to receive the required government attention, and the economy gradually grounded.

He said for manufacturers to overcome the challenges and keep the sector going, “the government urgently needs to give priority attention to the manufacturing sector by providing adequate bailouts for the sector and putting the necessary infrastructure in place to avoid a total collapse of the sector.

“They should encourage the patronage of made-in-Nigeria goods to reduce pressure on the dollar which is needed for the importation of foreign goods. This will increase the production capacity of local manufacturers and reduce unemployment in Nigeria.”

On his part, MAN President, Francis Meshioye, also expressed concern that the policies of the government are crippling the manufacturing sector of the nation’s economy.

Meshioye, represented by the Director-General of MAN, Segun Ajayi-Kadir, appealed to the governments of Edo and Delta states to stop the multiple taxation and harassment by the local government revenue agents and some MDAs in the states.

“We further appeal that it is made statutory that Ministries, Departments and Agencies of government in your states patronise made-in-Nigeria goods by issuing executive orders in that regard. This will encourage local manufacturers and also create more jobs.

He noted that MAN’s discussions at the meeting will enhance its advocacy content and point to the direction the government needs to follow to jointly resolve the challenges militating against the performance of the manufacturing sector.

Daily Trust

The National Union of Chemical, Footwear, Rubber, Leather and Non-Metallic Products Employees, NUCFRLANMPE, weekend, said no fewer than 40 companies in the sub-sector of the economy have shut down in the last three years due to economic instability in Nigeria.

The outgoing President of the Union, Babatunde Olatunji, who disclosed this, also criticized President Bola Tinubu for removing petrol subsidy, describing it as a contributing factor to the country’s economic woes.

Olatunji spoke during the 7th Quadrennial Delegates Conference of the association, held in Ado-Ekiti, Ekiti State.

Speaking on the theme ‘Leading the Union in an Era of Economic Instability’, Olatunji said: “As of today, no fewer than 40 companies have closed down within the past three years due to economic instability.

“The hasty removal of fuel subsidy without considering measures to cushion its potential negative effects has been the starting point of the current economic challenges.

“The removal of the fuel subsidy should have been a gradual process, implemented in phases, rather than an outright removal without taking into account the feelings of the masses.”

Olatunji stressed that a top-down approach to decision-making could only lead to dissent, suggesting that decisions in a democracy should be made from the bottom-up to reflect the interests of the people better.
He urged the Federal Government to drastically reduce the high cost of governance, address insecurity, fix refineries, strengthen the modern railway system, and revamp the power sector to better serve the needs of the populace.

On his part, the Executive Secretary of the Chemical and Non-Metallic Products’ Employers Federation, CANMPEF, Femi Oke, warned that the negative trend would only worsen the already high unemployment rate in the country and urged Tinubu to address the issue urgently before the situation deteriorates further.

Vanguard

The National Association of Government General and Medical Dental Practitioners has raised concern over the current doctor to patient ratio in Kano State, threatening to embark on strike from October 1.

The secretary of the association in Kano, Anas Idris Hassan, made this known while addressing newsmen on Saturday.

He stated that despite reaching an agreement with the Kano State Government months in June, their demands are yet to be met.

Hassan said the government has not addressed the issue of hazard allowance, specifically the post Covid-19 allowance, which has been paid by the federal government since 2021 but yet to be received by Kano doctors.

He further mentioned that newly employed medical doctors, who were hired by the Kano State Government in September 2023, have not been paid their salaries.

The medical practitioner also expressed concern over the dilapidated state of Kano hospitals and the lack of necessary equipment, stressing the urgent need to address these issues.

He highlighted the critical doctor-to-patient ratio in Kano, which is significantly lower than the World Health Organization’s standard.

He noted that there are an estimated 20 million people in Kano, served by only 600 doctors, resulting in a ratio of one doctor to 33,000 patients.

Daily Trust

Three Palestinian leaders killed in Israel strike in Beirut

A Palestinian militant group said on Monday that three of its leaders were killed in an Israeli strike on Beirut, the first attack within city limits as Israel escalated hostilities against Iran's allies in the region.

The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) said the three leaders were killed in a strike that targeted Beirut's Kola district.

The strike hit the upper floor of an apartment building in the Kola district of Lebanon's capital, Reuters witnesses said.

There was no immediate comment from Israel's military.

Israel's increasing frequency of attacks against the Hezbollah militia in Lebanon and the Houthi militia in Yemen have prompted fears that Middle East fighting could spin out of control and draw in Iran and the United States, Israel's main ally.

The PFLP is another militant group taking part in the fight against Israel.

Israel on Sunday launched airstrikes against the Houthi militia in Yemen and dozens of Hezbollah targets throughout Lebanon after earlier killing the Hezbollah leader.

The Houthi-run health ministry said at least four people were killed and 29 wounded in airstrikes on Yemen's port of Hodeidah, which Israel said were a response to Houthi missile attacks. In Lebanon, authorities said at least 105 people had been killed by Israeli air strikes on Sunday.

Lebanon's Health Ministry has said more than 1,000 Lebanese have been killed and 6,000 wounded in the past two weeks, without saying how many were civilians. The government said a million people - a fifth of the population - have fled their homes.

The intensifying Israeli bombardment over two weeks has killed a string of top Hezbollah officials, including its leader Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah.

Israel has vowed to keep up the assault and says it wants to make its northern areas secure again for residents who have been forced to flee Hezbollah rocket attacks.

Israeli drones hovered over Beirut for much of Sunday, with the loud blasts of new airstrikes echoing around the Lebanese capital. Displaced families spent the night on benches at Zaitunay Bay, a string of restaurants and cafes on Beirut's waterfront.

Many of Israel's attacks have been carried out in the south of Lebanon, where the Iran-backed Hezbollah has most of its operations, or Beirut's southern suburbs.

Monday's attack in the Kola district appeared to be the first strike within Beirut's city limits. Syrians living in southern Lebanon who had fled Israeli bombardment had been sleeping under a bridge in the neighborhood for days, residents of the area said.

The United States has urged a diplomatic resolution to the conflict in Lebanon but has also authorised its military to reinforce in the region.

U.S. President Joe Biden, asked if an all-out war in the Middle East could be avoided, said “It has to be." He said he will be talking to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Reuters

WESTERN PERSPECTIVE

Russia launches several waves of drone attacks on Kyiv, Ukraine's military says

Russia launched several waves of drone attacks targeting Kyiv early on Monday, with air defence units engaged in repelling the strikes for several hours, Ukraine's military said.

Reuters' witnesses heard numerous blasts in Kyiv in what sounded like air defence systems in operation and saw objects being hit in the air.

Kyiv, its surrounding region and all eastern part of Ukraine have been under air raid alerts since around 1 a.m. on Monday (2200 GMT on Sunday).

"Several enemy UAV (unmanned aerial vehicles) are over and near the capital," Vitali Klitschko, Kyiv's mayor said on the Telegram messaging app.

Ukraine's air force said earlier on Telegram that several groups of Russian drone attacks were heading towards Kyiv and Ukraine's west. It also said it detected the launch of several guided bombs from Russia-controlled parts of Ukraine at around 04:40 a.m. (0140 GMT).

There was no immediate comment from Moscow, which has launched multiple air attacks on Kyiv and Ukraine throughout September, targeting Ukraine's energy, military and transport infrastructure in which dozens of civilians have died.

There were no immediate reports of damage or casualties as a result of the attacks.

RUSSIAN PERSPECTIVE

Russian forces carry out group strike on Ukrainian army’s airfield infrastructure

The Russian Armed Forces carried out a group strike, particularly using a Kinzhal missile, on the Ukrainian army’s airfield infrastructure on Friday night, the Russian Defense Ministry said in a statement.

"Yesterday, the Russian Armed Forces carried out a group strike on the Ukrainian army’s field infrastructure. The attack involved high-precision long-range weapons, including a Kinzhal hypersonic aeroballistic missile. The goal of the attack was achieved as all the designated targets were hit," the statement reads.

Battlegroup North makes Ukraine lose over 60 troops in past day

The Ukrainian army lost over 60 troops in the area of responsibility of Russia’s Battlegroup North in the past day, the Russian Defense Ministry said in a statement.

"Units of Battlegroup North active in the Liptsy and Volchansk areas defeated the forces of the 57th Motorized Infantry Brigade of the Ukrainian armed forces, the 36th Marine Brigade and the 113th Territorial Defense Brigade near Volchanskiye Khutora, Liptsy and Volchansk in the Kharkov Region. The enemy lost over 60 troops, four motor vehicles, a D-20 152 mm howitzer and a D-30 122 mm howitzer," the statement reads.

Battlegroup Dnepr makes Kiev lose up to 60 troops in past day

The Ukrainian army lost up to 60 troops in the area of responsibility of Russia’s Battlegroup Dnepr in the past day, the Russian Defense Ministry said in a statement.

"Units of Battlegroup Dnepr defeated the forces of the 35th Marine Brigade, the 39th Coastal Defense Brigade and the 124th Territorial Defense Brigade near Kopani in the Zaporozhye Region, Antonovka in the Kherson Region and the city of Kherson. The Ukrainian armed forces lost up to 60 troops, ten motor vehicles and a Gvozdika 122 mm self-propelled howitzer. A field ammunition depot was destroyed," the statement reads.

Russian forces hit Ukrainian troops, equipment in 131 areas

Russian forces hit Ukrainian troops and equipment in 131 areas in the past day, the Russian Defense Ministry said in a statement.

"Russian tactical aircraft, drone operators, missile forces and artillery units hit Ukrainian troops and military equipment in 131 areas," the statement reads.

Russia’s Battlegroup West makes Ukraine lose up to 400 troops in past day

The Ukrainian army lost up to 400 troops in the area of responsibility of Russia’s Battlegroup West in the past day, the Russian Defense Ministry said in a statement.

"Units of Battlegroup West improved their tactical position, hitting the troops and equipment of the 14th, 44th and 67th mechanized brigades, the 4th Tank Brigade, the 3rd Assault Brigade of the Ukrainian armed forces and the 117th Territorial Defense Brigade near Kupyansk, Podvysokoye and Novoosinovo in the Kharkov Region, Makeyevka and Nevskoye in the Lugansk People’s Republic and Torskoye in the Donetsk People’s Republic. The enemy lost up to 400 troops," the statement reads.

According to the ministry, the enemy also lost seven pickup trucks, an Akatsiya 152 mm self-propelled gun, two D-30 122 mm howitzers, two US-made M113 armored personnel carriers, an M777 155 mm howitzer, two M198 155 mm howitzers and three AN/TPQ-50 counterbattery radars.

Battlegroup East improves frontline position, makes Ukraine lose up to 125 troops

Russia’s Battlegroup East improved its frontline position in the past day, making Ukraine lose up to 125 troops, the Russian Defense Ministry said in a statement.

"Units of Battlegroup East improved their frontline position, hitting the troops and equipment of the 58th Motorized Infantry Brigade of the Ukrainian armed forces, the 104th and 118th territorial defense brigades near Dorbrovolye, Rovnopol and Zolotaya Niva in the Donetsk People’s Republic. They also repelled three counterattacks by the assault teams of the 72nd Mechanized Brigade of the Ukrainian armed forces. The enemy lost up to 125 troops, five motor vehicles, a US-made M777 155 mm howitzer and a D-20 152 mm howitzer," the statement reads.

Battlegroup South moves to more advantageous positions, makes Kiev lose up to 725 troops

Russia’s Battlegroup South moved to more advantageous positions in the past day, causing Ukraine to lose up to 725 troops, the Russian Defense Ministry said in a statement.

"Units of Battlegroup South moved to more advantageous positions, hitting the troops and equipment of the 24th, 33rd, 54th and 72nd mechanized brigades, the 10th and 128th mountain assault brigades of the Ukrainian armed forces, the 18th National Guard Brigade and the 119th Territorial Defense Brigade near Konstantinovka, Vysokoivanovka, Zaliznyanskoye, Druzhkovka, Kurakhovo, Grigorovka and Chasov Yar in the Donetsk People’s Republic. They also repelled eight counterattacks by assault teams from the 56th Motorized Infantry Brigade, the 93rd Mechanized Brigade, the 81st Air Mobile Brigade of the Ukrainian armed forces and the 119th Territorial Defense Brigade. The Ukrainian army lost up to 725 troops," the statement reads.

The Ukrainian armed forces also lost a tank, an armored combat vehicle, eight motor vehicles, two US-made M777 155 mm howitzers, three D-20 152 mm howitzers, two D-30 122 mm howitzers and two US-made 105 mm M119 howitzers. Four field ammunition depots were destroyed.

Russia’s Battlegroup Center makes Ukraine lose over 620 troops in past day

The Ukrainian armed forces lost over 620 troops in the area of responsibility of Russia’s Battlegroup Center in the past day, the Russian Defense Ministry said in a statement.

"Units of Battlegroup Center moved to more advantageous positions, hitting the troops and equipment of the 47th and 53rd mechanized brigades, the 68th Infantry Brigade, the 71st Jaeger Brigade, the 5th Assault Brigade of the Ukrainian armed forces and the 109th Territorial Defense Brigade near Gornyak, Dzerzhinsk, Kalinovo, Sukhaya Balka and Rozovka in the Donetsk People’s Republic. They repelled seven counterattacks by the assault teams of the 59th Motorized Infantry Brigade, the 151st Mechanized Brigade, the 25th Airborne Brigade of the Ukrainian armed forces, the 2nd, 3rd and 12th National Guard brigades. The enemy lost over 620 troops," the statement reads.

The Ukrainian army also lost three armored combat vehicles, two motor vehicles, a US-made M777 155 mm howitzer, a Gvozdika 122 mm self-propelled howitzer and three D-30 122 mm howitzers.

Russian air defenses down four HIMARS rockets, 43 Ukrainian drones in past day

Russian air defenses shot down four HIMARS rockets and 43 Ukrainian drones in the past day, the Russian Defense Ministry said in a statement.

"Air defenses downed four US-made HIMARS rockets and 43 Ukrainian fixed-wing unmanned aerial vehicles," the statement reads.

A total of 646 aircraft, 283 helicopters, 32,331 unmanned aerial vehicles, 579 anti-aircraft missile systems, 18,447 tanks and other armored fighting vehicles, 1,469 multiple rocket launchers, 15,345 field artillery pieces and mortars, and 26,655 special military vehicles have been destroyed since the start of Russia’s special military operation, the Russian Defense Ministry specified.

Reuters/Tass

When he died at 80 in June 2008, Lamidi Aribiyi Adedibu was one of the best known political godfathers of his generation and certainly one of the most disruptive in Nigeria. In Ibadan, Oyo State in south-west Nigeria, where he held sway, Adedibu was reputed to have “made a governor of a mere chairmanship aspirant; a deputy governor of an alleged vulcaniser; a senator of a carpenter; a Reps member of a motor boy – all through the instrumentality of force and subterfuge.” About his politics which was described as ‘violently democratic’, Adedibu argued that it was all designed to render the line of succession to high executive office both predictable and devoid of needless drama, just as you have with succession to the monarchy in England.

Succession in an elective system is, of course, not supposed to replicate the predictability of monarchical entitlement. In Nigeria today, however, the one recognised exception to this is succession to the high office of Chief Justice. In the week in which the Senate concluded the confirmation of a new Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN) in supersonic fashion, it may be useful to recall that succession to that office was not always devoid of drama.

Until this week, there had been 22 occupants of the position of Chief Justice since the Amalgamation in 1914. Edwin Speed occupied the office for four years from 1914 to 1918.  Ralph Combe succeeded him until 1929. Donald Kingdon, who functioned as Chief Justice of colonial Nigeria until 1946, remains the longest-serving occupant of the office, having held it for nearly seventeen years from 1929. John Verity succeeded him for eight years until 1954 and he was followed by Stafford Foster-Sutton, the last of the colonial Chief Justices who served until 1958.

By 1957 it was clear that Sir Stafford would vacate the position the following year. The jockeying to succeed him began in earnest for the historic role of Nigeria’s first indigenous Chief Justice. At the time, Olumuyiwa Jibowu a lawyer since 1923 and High Court Judge since 1942 was presumed to be in pole position for the role. He was also the first Nigerian Justice of the Federal Supreme Court. Olumuyiwa preceded his closest competitor, Adetokunbo Ademola, to the Bar by 11 years and to the Bench by seven. His credentials seemed impeccable. At the time, Adetokunbo was Chief Justice of the Western Region.

At the parliamentary session in 1957, the member of the House of Representatives representing Owerri, Dennis Abii of the National Council of Nigeria and Cameroons (NCNC), tabled a motion calling on the Governor-General to “pray Her Majesty the Queen to remove Mr. Justice Jibowu from his office as a judge, on the ground that he has taken sides in party politics as disclosed in the letter written by him to one Mr. Savage.” Written three years earlier in 1954, Olumuyiwa’s letter allegedly said some uncomplimentary things about Azikiwe and his NCNC.

Nnamdi Azikiwe was a leading figure in Nigeria’s anti-colonial politics who would later emerge as Nigeria’s first post-colonial leader. Following Dennis Abii’s motion, the NCNC printed and disseminated the alleged letter by Olumuyiwa to make their point that he was too partisan to be Chief Justice. This controversy gave legs to the then distant ambitions of Adetokunbo, who eventually emerged on 1 April 1958 to become the first indigenous Chief Justice of Nigeria.

Over the next two decades, the office of the CJN evolved only incrementally, never losing its essential character as a first among equals. In that period too, appointment to the position always offered some drama and unpredictability. When Adetokunbo retired in 1972, the Federal Military Government appointed as his successor Taslim Elias, an academic whose tenure as Attorney General of the Federation paralleled Adetokunbo’s as Chief Justice for all but seven months over the period since Independence in October 1960.

When Elias abdicated the office of CJN in 1975, the military appointed in his place Darnley Alexander, a legal draftsman of Caribbean origin and, at the time, Chief Justice of the South-Eastern State. Darnley naturalised to become Nigerian, while occupying the office of CJN.

In somewhat controversial circumstances in August 1979, the departing military government appointed Atanda Fatayi Williams to the office of CJN in succession to the retiring Darnley. Thus began a convention which subsists to date of designating for the office the senior-most serving Justice of the Supreme Court.

Given this convention, it was entirely predictable that Kudirat Kekere-Ekun would succeed Olukayode Ariwoola to become the 18th indigenous CJN. As the senior-most serving Justice of the Supreme Court, her march to the office seemed inexorable. Under the constitution, the president makes the appointment following confirmation of the nominee by the Senate.

In this case, the Senate concluded the confirmation hearing in a perfunctory process scheduled without public notice or participation. Quite apart from affording confirmation to the nominee for the exalted office of CJN, this process also sadly confirmed the capture of the office by a narrow tribe of self-indulgent politicians.

In this most recent confirmation, the politicians appeared only intent on securing from the nominee guarantees to assure the political appropriation of the office of CJN and the preclusion of public accountability by the judicial branch. Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, threw her the softball of a question about how to shut down public discussion about incredible judicial decisions like the one that made Akpabio and his predecessor, Ahmad Lawan, candidate(s) for the Senate from primaries that they did not participate in.

The response was fulsome: “I want to assure you that as chairman of the Legal Practitioners’ Privileges Committee, we will ensure that those who should be disciplined, those who are in the habit of speaking on social media, condemning the judiciary, commenting on cases that are sub judice, will not have anywhere to hide. They will be dealt with decisively.”

The Senate President beamed with characteristically contumelious corpulence.

The outcome was never in doubt. The politicians got the assurances they wanted that they would continue to own the judiciary. In return, the nominee sailed through to confirmation without incident.

Access to the office may now follow a pattern that Lamidi Adedibu would have enthusiastically prescribed but the fate of her three immediate predecessors must hold immense lessons for new CJN.

First, the Chief Justice may have become somewhat of a constitutional potentate but the lesson from the fate of Walter Onnoghen as CJN is that this potentate has feet of clay. The same politicians who have contrived to put the CJN above the constitution can decapitate the occupant when it suits them.

Second, the Chief Justice may well be more than merely a first among equals these days but one lesson evident from the fate that befell Tanko Muhammad as CJN is that a Chief who neglects the wellbeing of his or her peers may not last in the role.

Third, a Chief Justice must think of their legacy and one who behaves with the abandon of a drunken political sailor, like Olukayode Ariwoola – the immediate past occupant of the office – may inherit the material world but lose the soul of the judiciary.

For the moment, we must welcome to this high office only the second woman ever to occupy the office of CJN. There will be time for her to decide whether (like the first woman to occupy the office) she chooses to see this as a high responsibility or, as her immediate predecessor, she prefers to see it as an office.

** Chidi Anselm Odinkalu, a professor of law, teaches at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy and can be reached through This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it..