Amid increasing poverty and hunger, Nigerians are grappling with skyrocketing prices of essential food items such as beef, rice, beans, white garri, and yam. The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) revealed these alarming trends in its latest report titled ‘Selected Food Prices Watch (April 2024).’

The report highlights significant month-on-month and year-on-year price increases. In April, the average price of 1 kilogram (kg) of local rice reached N1,399.34, reflecting a 3.47 percent increase from March and a staggering 155.93 percent rise from April 2023, when the price was N546.76.

Similarly, the average price of 1kg of white garri soared by 134.98 percent year-on-year, from N362.50 in April 2023 to N851.81 in April 2024. On a month-on-month basis, its price increased by 13.59 percent from N749.89 in March 2024.

Tomato prices also surged, with 1kg costing N1,123.41 in April 2024, a 131.58 percent increase from N485.10 in April 2023. From March to April 2024, the price jumped by 17.06 percent from N959.68.

The price of 1kg of brown beans saw a year-on-year increase of 125.43 percent, climbing from N615.67 in April 2023 to N1,387.90 in April 2024. Month-on-month, the price rose by 12.44 percent.

Yam prices did not escape the trend, with the average price of 1kg rising by 5.76 percent in April to N1,130.37, compared to N1,068.78 in March. Year-on-year, yam prices surged by 154.19 percent from N444.69 in April 2023 to N1,130.37 in April 2024.

The NBS report also detailed the variation in food prices across different states and geopolitical zones. Niger recorded the highest average price for 1kg of local rice at N1,785.47, while Benue had the lowest at N993.72. Bayelsa had the highest price for 1kg of white garri at N1,095.26, while Benue again had the lowest at N494.47. Delta state reported the highest price for 1kg of tomatoes at N1,851.19, with Zamfara recording the lowest at N547.22. The highest price for 1kg of brown beans was in Abuja at N2,288.36, and the lowest was in Yobe at N818.03.

Geopolitically, the south-west and south-south regions bore the brunt of high food prices. The south-west had the highest average price for 1kg of local rice at N1,615.21, followed by the south-south at N1,564.85. The north-west recorded the lowest prices for rice, garri, and tomatoes. For beans, the north-central and south-south regions had the highest prices.

The NBS’s Consumer Price Index (CPI) for April indicated that food inflation soared to 40.53 percent, a significant increase from the 24.61 percent reported in April 2023.

These rising food costs are exacerbating the struggle for many Nigerians already facing severe economic hardships, leading to increasing poverty and hunger across the nation.

Sultan of Sokoto, Muhammadu Sa’ad Abubakar, has expressed deep concern over the growing frustration among Nigerians due to escalating poverty and hunger, urging political leaders to fulfill their duties in improving the populace's living standards. Addressing the Federal Government, the Sultan emphasized that the current socio-economic conditions are extremely challenging, and political office holders must acknowledge and address this reality.

Speaking at the first quarterly meeting of the Nigeria Inter-Religious Council (NIREC) in Abuja, the Sultan highlighted the severe impact of poverty and hunger, noting that desperation has driven some individuals to commit serious crimes for meager sums. “Nigeria has got to a point where some people could commit any kind of crime, including murder for as little as N500”.

He called on all levels of government to take immediate action to uplift the citizens' living conditions.

The Sultan, who co-chairs NIREC, remarked, “Corruption in Nigeria is a persistent issue discussed in every public and private forum, yet it remains entrenched. It’s crucial to research why eradicating corruption is so challenging.”

He criticized the pervasive corruption among politicians, who often exploit public resources without accountability, becoming wealthier than the states they serve. “Politicians come into office targeting public wealth, growing richer overnight without being questioned. This sad reality will persist as long as political office holders operate unchecked, continuing the cycle of corruption after their terms,” he lamented.

Highlighting the dire state of the nation, the Sultan declared, “We are living in very difficult and challenging times, and nobody should deny this. Even our leaders recognize this fact. Acknowledging a problem is the first step towards solving it.”

Daniel Okoh, President of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) and co-chair of NIREC, noted that the meeting's theme, “The role of religious leaders in combating corruption and cybercrime,” would provide a platform to evaluate the situation with insights from the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC). He urged religious leaders to speak out against cybercrime, emphasizing the collective effort needed to build a just and ethical society for future generations.

EFCC Chairman Ola Olukoyede, represented by the Commission’s Director of Media and Publicity, Wilson Uwajaren, highlighted the severe impact of cybercrime among Nigerian youth, noting numerous convictions. He identified corruption as the primary obstacle to Nigeria’s development, stating, “Corruption is a cankerworm that has deeply infiltrated our society, impeding our progress despite our vast human and mineral resources.”

Olukoyede stressed that public office is often seen as a means to accumulate personal wealth, neglecting the society's well-being. He warned that this has led to widespread insecurity and social unrest. “Children who have never experienced good governance are now taking up arms. No one is safe, and even those with amassed wealth realize their fortunes are fragile against uncontrolled rage.”

He also addressed the global reputation damage caused by cybercrime, urging a unified approach to combat corruption. “When it comes to looting, the corrupt are united by greed, transcending ethnic and religious differences. Therefore, our fight against corruption must be comprehensive and collective,” he concluded.

Usman Bugaje, a respected elder statesman and political activist, has labeled the first year of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration a “tragedy” for Nigeria. Bugaje made these remarks during an appearance on Channels Television’s Politics Today, where he assessed Tinubu's inaugural year in office.

As a former member of the House of Representatives, Bugaje criticized the APC-led government for failing to address the multitude of challenges confronting the nation. He stated, “The past year has been a tragedy for Nigerians. There isn’t a single problem they have resolved. The government appears overwhelmed and is struggling to manage the mounting frustrations of the populace.”

Bugaje further argued that the policies introduced by Tinubu's administration have worsened existing issues instead of improving them. He emphasized the need for the government to seek advice from experts, regardless of their political affiliations, to navigate the country through its current difficulties. “In this year, they have left people in darkness. It’s time to seek help from knowledgeable Nigerians, even those outside the party and politics. Many nations have overcome similar challenges by leveraging their intellectual and administrative resources. Nigeria is rich in such resources, but the government remains insular and ineffective.”

He also stressed the importance of developing clear metrics to evaluate governance. “As a nation, we should have established metrics for assessing governance by now. There are academic and statistical methods to do this.”

To highlight the worsening security situation, Bugaje recounted a recent incident: “This morning, I read reports of 20 individuals being abducted in a residential estate in Gwarimpa, Abuja. If the seat of government isn’t safe, it sends shockwaves throughout the citizenry.”

Governor Abba Yusuf of Kano State announced the reinstatement of the deposed Emir of Kano, Lamido Sanusi, as part of fulfilling a key campaign promise. This decision comes four years after Sanusi's controversial dethronement.

On Thursday, Governor Yusuf signed a bill repealing the State Emirate Council Law of 2019, which had created five emirate councils under the administration of former Governor Abdullahi Ganduje. This repeal dissolves the four additional emirates and removes all five emirs.

Sanusi, who was dethroned in March 2020 by former Governor Ganduje, had faced accusations of insubordination and was forcefully removed from the throne. His dethronement sparked widespread controversy and was viewed by many as politically motivated. Sanusi, known for his outspoken nature and controversial views, had frequently clashed with the state government on various issues, including corruption and governance.

At the signing event, Yusuf emphasized that the new law reinstates Sanusi as the 14th Emir of Kano and removes the 15th Emir of Kano, Aminu Ado Bayero, as well as the emirs of Bichi, Rano, Karaye, and Gaya. He stated that this move was part of his commitment to the residents of Kano State.

“The law provided an opportunity for the reinstatement of Muhammad Sanusi II and the removal of Aminu Ado Bayero, Nasir Ado Bayero, Kabiru Muhammad Inuwa, Ibrahim Abubakar II, and Aliyu Ibrahim Abdulkadir,” Yusuf explained. He added that Sanusi’s return to the throne is expected to bring peace and prosperity to the state, and the repeal of the emirate council law is a step towards restoring Kano’s historical and cultural heritage.

Yusuf also issued a 48-hour ultimatum to the former emirs to vacate their palaces and hand over all emirate properties to the Deputy Governor. He expressed confidence that the new law would unify the people of Kano and promote sustainable socio-economic development.

“This bill signifies the restoration of the revered legacy of the Kano emirate, which has stood for over a thousand years,” Yusuf stated. He urged Kano residents to support his administration in its efforts to deliver infrastructural advancements and propel the state to greater heights.

The governor reassured the populace that his actions were in the best interest of the state. “We have done what we believe is in the best interest of Kano and its people. I want to inform everyone that today, we reappointed Sanusi Lamido Aminu Sanusi, known as Muhammadu Sanusi II, as the 16th Emir of Kano. The former emirs are expected to vacate their palaces within 48 hours and hand over all properties to the Commissioner for Local Government, who also serves as the Deputy Governor.”

Under the new Kano Emirate Repeal Law of 2024, Kano State is now consolidated under a single emirate, reinstating a historic governance structure and honoring the governor’s campaign promise to restore the state’s cultural and traditional legacy.

Israeli forces kill dozens of Palestinians in Gaza strikes, battle Hamas in Rafah

Israeli forces killed at least 60 Palestinians in aerial and ground bombardments across the Gaza Strip on Thursday and battled in close combat with Hamas-led militants in areas of the southern city of Rafah, health officials and Hamas media said.

Israeli tanks advanced in Rafah's southeast, edged towards the city's western district of Yibna and continued to operate in three eastern suburbs, residents said.

"The occupation (Israeli forces) is trying to move further to the west, they are on the edge of Yibna, which is densely populated. They didn't invade it yet," one resident said, asking not to be named.

"We hear explosions and we see black smoke coming up from the areas where the army has invaded. It was another very difficult night," he told Reuters via a chat app.

Simultaneous Israeli assaults on the northern and southern edges of Gaza this month have caused a new exodus of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians fleeing their homes, and have cut off the main access routes for aid, raising the risk of famine.

Israel launched its assault on Gaza following a Hamas-led attack on southern Israeli communities on Oct. 7 that killed 1,200 people and led to more than 250 hostages, by Israeli tallies. Since then, Israel's assault in Gaza has killed more than 35,000 people, with thousands more feared buried under the rubble, according to Gaza health authorities.

HOSTAGES IN RAFAH

Israel says it has no choice but to attack Rafah to root out the last battalions of Hamas fighters it believes are sheltering there.

"Hamas is in Rafah, Hamas has been holding our hostages in Rafah, which is why our forces are maneuvering in Rafah. We're doing this in a targeted and precise way," Israeli chief military spokesperson Daniel Hagari said in a statement on Thursday.

"We're protecting Gazan civilians in Rafah from being a layer of protection for Hamas, by encouraging them to temporarily evacuate to humanitarian areas... So far we have eliminated dozens of Hamas terrorists, exposed dozens of terror tunnels and destroyed vast amounts of infrastructure."

Israeli forces have killed around 180 militants in Rafah so far, Hagari said in a televised news conference.

UNRWA, the main United Nations agency in Gaza, estimated as of Monday that more than 800,000 people had fled Rafah since Israel began targeting the city in early May, despite international pleas for restraint.

Suze van Meegan, the Norwegian Refugee Council's Emergency Response Leader in Gaza, said many civilians were still stuck.

"The city of Rafah is now comprised of three entirely different worlds: the east is an archetypal war zone, the middle is a ghost town, and the west is a congested mass of people living in deplorable conditions," she said in a statement.

In parallel, Israeli forces stepped up a ground offensive in Jabalia, where the military has razed several residential areas, and struck nearby Beit Hanoun town, areas where Israel declared major operations over months ago. Israel says it has had to return to prevent Hamas from regrouping there.

Hamas media said 12 Palestinians were killed in an air strike on a store belonging to the welfare ministry east of Deir Al-Balah city in the central Gaza Strip, and that 10 more were killed in an air strike on a residential building in Gaza City.

Except for the intensive care unit and the neonatal unit, power was stopped at the Al-Aqsa Hospital in Deir Al-Balah in central Gaza Strip amid huge fuel shortages, medics said.

The Israeli military said in a statement forces began conducting targeted raids in Beit Hanoun "to eliminate terrorists, locate and strike terror infrastructure, below and above the ground."

It said its operations had killed Hussein Fiad, the Commander of Hamas’ Beit Hanoun Battalion in an underground area in Jabalia in northern Gaza.

"Fiad was responsible for launching a significant number of the anti-tank missiles that were fired at Israeli territory throughout the war, along with extensive mortar fire toward Israeli communities near the northern Gaza Strip," it said in a statement.

A senior Hamas security official, Diaa Aldeen Al-Shurafa, was also killed in an Israeli strike as he toured residential districts of Gaza City, the interior ministry in Hamas-run Gaza said.

The Israeli military said three soldiers had been killed in the fighting on Wednesday, raising the number killed since Gaza incursions began on Oct. 20 to 286 soldiers.

Reuters

RUSSIAN PERSPECTIVE

Putin to discuss ‘second phase’ of nuclear drills with ally

Russian President Vladimir Putin has arrived in Belarus for a two-day state visit that will include talks on the former Soviet republic’s involvement in nuclear weapons drills.

“We’ll talk about the second phase of the exercise,” Putin said after being greeted by Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko on Thursday at the Minsk National Airport. “This is related to direct participation of our Belarusian friends and colleagues in these events.”

Russian troops began the first phase of the tactical nuclear exercise on Tuesday in the Southern Military District, which includes Crimea and four formerly Ukrainian territories in the Donbass region. Moscow said the drills are meant to demonstrate its ability to respond to external threats, thereby deterring further escalation of the Russia-Ukraine conflict by Kiev’s Western backers.

The exercise involves delivery of nuclear weapons to troops from storage sites, the arming of missiles with tactical nuclear warheads, and covert deployment of such weaponry.

After the Kremlin announced the drills earlier this month, citing an ”unprecedented” escalation of tensions with the US and its allies over Ukraine, Lukashenko immediately ordered similar exercises to test Belarus’ nuclear-capable weapon systems, including Iskander missile launchers.

Last year, Putin agreed to store a small number of tactical nuclear weapons in Belarus, after Lukashenko made a “friendly request” for such a deterrent. Back then, Lukashenko also stated that he would not hesitate to use them if his country is attacked.

French President Emmanual Macron and other Western leaders have recently hinted at potential deployment of NATO forces in Ukraine and the use of their weapons by Ukrainian troops to strike targets deep inside Russian territory.

Putin said he previewed his visit to Belarus by discussing issues of bilateral cooperation with members of the Russian cabinet. That meeting covered such topics as security, energy and agriculture issues. Some other Russian leaders are scheduled to arrive in Minsk on Friday to participate in the talks.

Lukashenko invited Putin for the visit, which marks the Russian leader’s second foreign trip since being sworn in for his fifth term as president on May 7. Putin traveled to China last week for talks with President Xi Jinping, and he’s scheduled for a state visit to Uzbekistan on May 26-27.

The state-run press service in Belarus said Lukashenko’s talks with Putin will cover the full range of relations between the countries, including trade, humanitarian issues, and joint projects.

WESTERN PERSPECTIVE

Ukraine's long-range glide bomb blunted by Russian jamming

Russian jamming has kept many of Ukraine's relatively new long-range GLSDB bombs from hitting their intended targets, three people familiar with the challenges told Reuters.

Ukraine over the last year sought weapons with longer ranges than the 43 miles (69 km) of U.S.-provided GMLRS rockets so Kyiv could attack and disrupt Russian supply lines and muster points.

To answer that call, Boeing Co (BA.N) offered a new weapon to the Pentagon with a 100-mile (161-km) range, the Ground-Launched Small Diameter Bomb (GLSDB). The glide-bomb has small wings that extend its reach, and it is comprised of the GBU-39 Small Diameter Bomb (SDB) and the M26 rocket motor, both of which are common in U.S. inventories and relatively inexpensive.

But the GLSDB's navigation system, which enables it to be steered around obstacles like mountains and known anti-air defenses, has been targeted by Russian jamming, the three people briefed on he matter said.

While Boeing has said the weapon can defeat some jamming, one of the sources said it would take Boeing months to fix.

Boeing and Ukrainian authorities did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The bomb is made jointly by SAAB AB (SAABb.ST) and Boeing, and it was in development well before Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

Jamming happens when huge amounts of energy are broadcast into an area, overwhelming a device's signal. Russia has used the tactic on Ukrainian radios, drones and even GPS-guidable Excalibur 155 millimeter artillery munitions.

Ukraine has been using GLSDBs since earlier this year and experts have noted that it has not performed well on the battlefield because of jamming.

Ukraine has also been using both short and long range Army Tactical Missile Systems (ATACMS) which have a range up to 180 miles (300 km).

Jamming on the battlefield in Ukraine is "simply a reality, and numerous weapon systems have had to contend with these and other countermeasures," said Tom Karako, a weapons expert at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

"Whether such challenges are in turn countered with technical upgrades or simply alternative methods of employment, the utility of long range fires is going to persist."

RT/Reuters

It wasn’t five months after President Bola Tinubu took office when folks started asking, how far? In middle class and elite social circles in Nigeria, that question, or its variant – how market? – is often reserved for people whose sympathy for a cause or person is imperiled.

I often pushed back by saying that given the enormity of problems that the Tinubu government faced at inception, five months or so were inadequate to judge. And that was not just a convenient deflection. 

There are, of course, American presidents who made a mark after 100 days in office, notably, Franklin D. Roosevelt, John F. Kennedy, and Barack Obama. But you don’t make them often, whatever may be the fetish of 100 days in office popularised by the U.S. After all President Clinton had a rocky 100 days in office only to end up the first Democratic president to be elected to two full terms after Roosevelt.

Unusual election

Nigeria’s 2023 election was so contentious that even though voting ended in February and a president was announced almost immediately by the electoral commission, it wasn’t until eight months later that the Supreme Court finally upheld his election. Tinubu was, as we say, hugging the chair with just one side of his buttocks. Of course, he had taken decisions from day one for which he must be held accountable, even if he was hanging on by a thread.

Perhaps the most consequential was his announcement, adlib, that “fuel subsidy is gone.” The removal was overdue. A good number of people agreed, even though some opposed the precipitous announcement and the subsequent merger of the exchange rate as evidence of Tinubu’s overzealous attempt to please the IMF and World Bank. It might also have been an honest attempt by him to preempt being taken hostage by the bureaucracy. 

Whatever the motivation was, it backfired; not because of the announcement, but because the government seemed totally unprepared to manage the fallout. There was, strictly speaking, no government to speak of at the time. The chaos that followed the announcement piled on the chaos that Tinubu met in office.

Buhari did nothing?

It would be unfair to say that Tinubu’s predecessor and fellow partyman, President Muhammadu Buhari, did nothing in eight years. The problem was that those who installed Buhari, chief among whom was Tinubu, and those who thought he could do the job, including myself, were unfair to Buhari. He wasn’t up to the job, but we didn’t care. In his incompetence, he put Nigerians through shege and left behind for his successor a legacy of shege banza, if you’ll excuse my French.

The fallouts of Covid-19 and the supply chain problems off the back of the war in Ukraine made things tough for Buhari. But what has come to light even from the management of these crises was his absence most of the time. He loved his title far more than he understood his job.

Perfect storm

His successor descended into a perfect storm: inflation at nearly 22 percent; unemployment at 33 percent; foreign exchange scarcity and declining revenue from oil sales; a looming debt crisis; a population surging ahead of GDP; an inefficient, lopsided and bloated public service; rampant insecurity; and broken confidence in government. Don’t even add the dysfunctional relationship between the fiscal and monetary authorities. 

In the last four political transitions since 1999, the Buhari-Tinubu transition has been the most fraught, incomparable in hazard with the one between President Goodluck Jonathan and Buhari in 2015, which was supposed to have been a hostile takeover. Yet, the Buhari-Tinubu transition was a handover from the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) to itself.

Tinubu’s cross

But Tinubu has to be judged by what he has done or failed to do, especially since he has said, repeatedly, that he asked for the job and would not invite any pity party. It was not Buhari’s fault, for example, that he couldn’t form a cabinet until 56 days after taking office. 

Nor was Buhari to blame that when Tinubu finally composed his team, he selected, with a few exceptions, mostly people whose major credential was that they knew someone who knew someone who knew the president. The drama around some of the appointments and the screening are a subject on their own. That had nothing to do with Buhari.

The rot was deep. But the treatment – the radical attempts to scrap market curbs and tighten fiscal and monetary controls – appears, for now, worse than the disease, leaving large sections of the population struggling and impoverished. 

The compound chaos was neither entirely unforeseen nor inevitable. Buhari left behind a near-bankrupt treasury and ran his government for the most part by printing money. Getting the economy back into gear was going to depend largely on the unpredictable receipts from oil sales, which in turn was going to depend on less oil theft and a higher production quota. Foreign investors’ confidence had also been undermined by excessive price controls; while on the domestic front, rampant insecurity kept food prices high. 

Approach matters

A far more careful calibration and better management of public expectations than Tinubu’s government’s zeal suggested might have produced a different outcome. Unfortunately, a lifetime’s worth of suffering appears to have been laid out in a terrifically short time.

Yet, while some of it is inevitable, a few of the problems of the past year have been fostered by vested interests determined to complicate the government’s misery. Take two examples: the pushback by currency manipulators, and the organised crime in Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs).

In the first case, it is difficult to know who was the more complicit – the commercial banks (often in cahoots with state governors) or black-market operators. The incestuous relationship between the two, aided and abetted for years by the Central Bank, fed off cheap government funds, producing an army of white-collar criminals who became multimillionaires by exploiting multiple trading windows. 

Our monkey worked for their baboon to chop. Once Tinubu’s government said enough, the manipulators and their crypto ground soldiers launched a blistering counter-attack. The fight is still on.

The second main war has been with the demon within, elegantly called the MDAs. A source told me not too long ago that some of these government agencies, particularly NPA and NIMASA, among others, illegally locked down about $3.8 billion, from receipts. While they lied and lied that there was no “cash backing” for capital projects, they withheld forex remittances to the Central Bank and also cut deals with bank officials to roll over the principal sums, as they creamed off the interest. 

Tinubu’s searchlight in these places has unleashed a firestorm from vested interests, now aligned with sections of the political class to paint his government in the worst light possible. 

Gift of exaggeration

The problems of Tinubu’s government in the last one year have been partly self-inflicted, and partly unavoidable. But the criticism of his government as a disaster, mostly by politicians who can’t wait for the next general elections in 2027, is exaggerated. 

If ongoing structural reforms are paced, oil production quota keeps trending up, and the government leads by example, finding disciplined ways to manage the impact of tighter monetary controls on the cost of funds, things might yet look up sooner than later. 

It’s doubtful that any of those who vied with him for the presidency could have done better, whatever they might say from their easy chair. What Tinubu still has going for him are his courage, foresight and staying power. Now, he has a shorter runway to make them produce concrete results in the lives of citizens.

** Ishiekwene is Editor-In-Chief of LEADERSHIP

Munera Mokgoko was just three when apartheid fell. She can barely remember, much less fathom, the swell of hope that accompanied Black liberation three decades ago, shaped by Nelson Mandela’s vision of social equality and pan-African solidarity.

“South Africa doesn’t have any ubuntu,” the 33-year-old said, using a Zulu word meaning humanity, ahead of an election in which the ruling African National Congress (ANC) is pledging to crack down on undocumented migrants from the rest of the continent.

“It’s like we don’t know how to welcome people.”

Mokgoko’s Tanzanian husband is among many African migrants who have flocked here since the end of white minority rule and met with the colder side of the “Rainbow Nation”, a name used by Mandela and others in the 1990s to describe South Africa’s aspirations to be a beacon of multicultural harmony.

Public resentment at immigration has become a hot issue in the run-up to the May 29 vote. It’s the first national election in which most people in South Africa – which has a median age of about 28 – have no memory of decades of apartheid, the fight for freedom or the ANC liberation movement’s rise to power in 1994.

Idi Rajebo, Mokgoko’s 34-year-old husband, and thousands of other hopefuls fleeing rural penury in much poorer nations like Tanzania and Malawi have packed themselves into decrepit minibuses, footslogged through bush and bribed border guards to reach Johannesburg, the “City of Gold”.

He and dozens of others ended up crammed into a derelict apartment tower that was being taken over – or “hijacked” – by criminals, where toilets overflowed and drug addicts drooped over stairwells.

“It wasn’t nice,” said Isaac Simon, 39, a Tanzanian friend of Rajebo’s who ran a kitchen on the ground floor.

“We all had the same idea: make some money and get out.”

Dozens didn’t get the chance. Nine months ago, the Usindiso apartment block burst into flames, killing 77 people – mostly migrants – and leaving hundreds homeless.

Reuters is the first news outlet to comprehensively piece together the stories of many of the survivors, before and after the Usindiso tragedy. This article is based on interviews with about 50 people, including 19 migrant victims, government officials and lawyers representing survivors in a public inquiry into the causes of the blaze, plus hundreds of pages of documents submitted as evidence to the probe, much of it not publicly available.

The accounts turn a rare spotlight on the dire conditions endured by many Africans who arrive here searching for a better life in the continent’s most advanced economy, and the hostility they say they’ve encountered from South African authorities as well as bands of vigilantes who blame foreigners for taking jobs and services away from local people.

The public inquiry concluded this month that the fire was caused by a South African man who was high on crystal meth when he strangled another local to death and set the body alight with petrol to conceal the evidence of the murder.

The probe also blamed neglect by local authorities for allowing the building to become a hazardous zone, rife with guns, murder, drugs and combustible trash, findings that led to the provincial premier pledging to swiftly implement the report’s recommendations.

For those who survived the blaze, the ordeal continues. Seven of the 19 migrants interviewed are sleeping on sidewalks or in makeshift tents. Most of the rest said they were living in even more overcrowded and dirty accommodation than the gutted block they escaped, while four have been deported for not having valid immigration papers. In total, 25 survivors of the fire have been deported, according to lawyers representing them at the public inquiry into the fire and as legal counsel during their incarceration.

This month’s election could mark the end of an era for post-liberation South Africa, with the long-dominant ANC expected to lose its parliamentary majority for the first time, abandoned by voters incensed at a litany of national woes including a dearth of decent housing, frequent power cuts, water shortages, poor schools, rampant joblessness and high crime.

Most major parties have put forward plans to crack down harder on illegal migrants as they vie for votes in a tight race. Last month, the government published proposals in its official gazette to scale back its commitments to, or withdraw from, the United Nations refugees convention and related treaties, to “deter economic migrants who come to South Africa disguising as asylum seekers”, a move it said would free its hand in promptly rejecting asylum claims it deemed bogus.

The white paper provoked an outcry from local human rights groups and three U.N. agencies - the UNHCR refugee body, IOM migration organisation and UNICEF children’s fund - said the withdrawal would set a negative precedent and could lead to children born in South Africa becoming stateless.

The proposals also provide a jarring counterpoint to the message conveyed by former ANC leader Mandela, who declared Africans were “one people with a common destiny” after becoming the country’s first democratically elected president.

“When the history of our struggle is written, it will tell a glorious tale of African solidarity,” Mandela told fellow leaders in June 1994. “Africa shed her blood ... so that all her children could be free. She gave of her limited wealth and resources so that all of Africa should be liberated.”

The ANC signed up to the refugee treaties unconditionally in 1995 and 1996. It wasn’t among the many signatories that secured opt-outs from certain requirements, such as giving refugees the same welfare benefits as citizens. In a 1997 speech to mark Africa Refugee Day, Mandela said the answer to managing large refugee flows, often driven by conflict, was to emphasise people’s political and civil rights and for “all of us on the African continent to unite”.

Home Affairs Minister Aaron Motsoaledi, who put forward the white paper, told Reuters in an interview that migrants as a whole were proving a heavy burden on South Africa’s resources, citing one hospital, in the northeastern town of Musina, where he said Zimbabweans made up of 70% of maternity ward patients.

Reuters couldn’t independently verify those maternity ward figures. Calls to the Musina hospital went unanswered.

Motsoaledi also said undocumented migrants were allowing employers to undercut the minimum wage, and dismissed any suggestion of xenophobia.

“Every country has got the right to safeguard its interests,” he said. “Pan-Africanism does not mean entering each other’s country illegally.”

The government stance is rejected by Andy Chinnah, a human rights activist who has spent the last nine months helping victims of the fire by providing them with meals and helping organise their legal representation for the public inquiry, which examined the causes of the blaze and who should be held responsible for the tragedy.

Chinnah said the treatment of African migrants reminded him of the apartheid system, but now it was Black people from other countries who were “outsiders.” Political moves to curb migrant rights amount to a betrayal of Mandela’s legacy, he said.

“He wanted one Africa. All the other presidents from the other African countries supported him and the liberation movement to get the freedom that we enjoy today,” Chinnah said.

“We didn’t fight for just the freedom of us in South Africa. We fought for a free Africa. We fought against colonialism.”

Enter operation ‘Force out’

The number of immigrants living legally in South Africa has almost trebled to 2.4 million in 2022 – more than 80% of them from sub-Saharan Africa – from 835,000 in 1996, according to the national statistics office. It said migrants now made up about 4% of the population, with Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Lesotho and Malawi the leading countries of origin. In the United States, another country where immigration is a top issue this election year, foreign-born people account for almost 14% of the populace, census data shows.

The official South African figures don’t include undocumented migrants, for which the government white paper says there are no reliable figures. It says immigration authorities deport 15,000 to 20,000 undocumented migrants a year, and that the number is rising.

Migrants from sub-Saharan Africa, where much of the population struggles to eke out even a meagre living from farming, are often willing to take great risks to reach South Africa’s more industrialised economy. They pursue work as child carers, waiters, security guards, artisanal miners and shopkeepers, to name a few occupations.

Of the 19 migrant survivors interviewed by Reuters, nine including Rajebo said they were on valid visas but had lost the documents along with most of their belongings in the fire. The other 10 said they didn’t have valid immigration papers. Reuters couldn’t independently verify their accounts.

There is widespread public frustration with undocumented migrants in South Africa, particularly among young people, according to a survey of 1,000 18-to-24-year-olds published this month by the Ichikowitz Family Foundation, a Johannesburg-based rights and conservation advocacy group.

About 88% of respondents said they believed illegal migrants were taking jobs and resources away from South Africans, 86% said they were driving up crime, and 85% thought they should be forcibly removed.

Few movements harness this bubbling anger more thoroughly than Operation Dudula – meaning “force out” in Zulu – a group founded in 2021 with a stated mission to rid South Africa of illegal migrants, whom they blame for many social and economic ills.

The loose-knit street movement has thousands of followers across the country. It has become well known for staging demonstrations against illegal migrant workers, making threats against migrants and sometimes carrying out attacks on foreign-owned businesses.

Operation Dudula registered as a political party late last year, but last month the electoral commission excluded it from the election for missing the deadline for submitting its list of candidates.

About half of the migrant survivors of the Aug. 31 Johannesburg fire interviewed by Reuters said they had been threatened and intimidated by members of Operation Dudula, both before and after the disaster.

Two months before the blaze, members of Dudula swept through the building, clad in their uniform of white T-shirts and combat trousers, demanding to see identification from foreign nationals, searching rooms for drugs and hitting some residents with whips, according to four witnesses interviewed. Their accounts are corroborated by five separate affidavits submitted to the public inquiry and seen by Reuters.

On the day after the fire, as dozens of shell-shocked and homeless survivors sat outside the building, about 30 members of Dudula arrived armed with whips, marched up and began taunting them, according to five witnesses and five affidavits.

“They were shouting, they were singing, they were having joyful laughter,” said Omari Hanya, 44, a Tanzanian survivor who was there. “’These foreigners must go back home or die’, they were saying in Zulu.”

Dudula’s Deputy Secretary General Isaac Lesole rejected the allegations that the group harassed or abused migrants in the block. He said the group’s code of conduct, which Reuters has viewed, allowed members only to ask if someone has legitimate visa papers, not to demand to see them. He disputed the charge of vigilantism, saying their role was always to alert legitimate authorities.

“Yes, in the past, we’ve been in trouble for acting on our own,” said Lesole. He acknowledged that Dudula members had threatened migrants and attacked their businesses in the past, but insisted the group now operates as whistleblowers within the law.

“Yes, there were members of Operation Dudula outside the Usindiso building following the fire, but it was not celebratory,” he added. The aim of the march was to highlight the problem of undocumented migrants and show Dudula had been vindicated in their belief that foreign nationals had taken over too many buildings like this in the town centre, he said.

Asked how authorities viewed Dudula, Home Affairs Minister Motsoaledi said that South Africa didn’t condone the group’s anti-migrant activities. “You don’t take the law into your own hands,” he added. “You don’t follow vigilantism because the country will go into chaos.”

The suspect in the fatal blaze, who is in detention and has been charged with 76 counts of murder and 86 counts of attempted murder, hasn’t yet entered a plea.

In March, the suspect’s attorney publicly stated that he intended to plead not guilty. Since then, the suspect fired his attorney for failing to show up at a court hearing to represent him and a new lawyer hasn’t been named, according to an official close to the case who requested anonymity to discuss the matter.

Beaten for being $11 short

Mokgoko, a South African from Northwest Province, met Rajebo in 2007 in Randfontein, a gold mining town west of Johannesburg, where he was running a grocery shop. Rajebo had arrived a year earlier by bus from the Tanzanian port city of Tanga.

In 2019, they and their three children moved into the fourth floor of the doomed block.

“We had financial problems; it was cheap,” Mokgoko told Reuters outside the tin shack where she now resides. Her one-year-old daughter, Mymuna, giggled as she muddied her pink booties in the dirt.

The Usindiso building was formerly a shelter for women who were victims of domestic violence which closed in 2017 due to lack of funding. When Mokgoko and Rajebo arrived, it was being hijacked by criminal gangs charging “rent” to occupants and newcomers. It soon became crammed with desperate new arrivals, with the criminals and residents dividing its space by erecting tin shacks in bathrooms and on staircases, eight fire survivors told Reuters.

More than 500 people were living in the hijacked building at the time of the fire, about half of them migrants, according to law firm Norton Rose Fulbright, which represented 340 survivors in the inquiry. There are no official estimates.

The gangs could be brutal if you didn’t pay on time, said Simon, a Tanzanian friend of Rajebo’s who ran a kitchen on the ground floor. “They came in groups of five or six, with guns, usually a revolver,” he added. “I saw them beat someone with a bottle for being 200 rand ($11) short.”

The criminals openly preferred to rent to migrants, eight foreign residents told Reuters, because many were too scared to complain to police, since some were undocumented and others had already been extorted by officers.

Seven foreign fire survivors, including Hanya, told Reuters that men in police uniforms with badges often raided their informal market stalls in and outside the building, asking to see their visa papers. If no valid document was produced, or sometimes even if one was, they said, the men often demanded sums of between 500 and 2,000 rand to avoid jail.

Four of those survivors described being driven off in a van to a quiet street to carry out the transaction. Two said they had been locked up in police cells until friends or relatives came with money to get them out.

Malawian street grocer Kenneth Jiro, 32, survived the fire but lost his 26-year-old brother Manis. He recalled having his stall raided every few weeks by men in police uniforms demanding 700 to 1,000 rand each time.

Xolani Fihla, a spokesman for the Johannesburg police (JMPD), said the department was not aware of any such misconduct by officers in its ranks, but that “it would be considered unlawful if it is happening, and if any evidence is brought to the JMPD then disciplinary action must be taken”.

‘Give the baby back’

The night after the fire, Rajebo was among 32 migrant survivors relocated by Johannesburg authorities to a pavilion in Hofland Park, a recreation centre in a leafy but rundown suburb just outside the city centre, six survivors said.

Hanya, a Usindiso survivor who runs a stall selling candy and cigarettes, said the shelter was overcrowded. There was “no privacy, no door on the toilet, barely anywhere to sleep – just a few mattresses,” he said. “People just sitting around waiting for food.” Soon after arriving, he elected to sleep on the street instead.

That proved a wise decision. On Nov. 15, authorities raided the centre, forcing the 32 foreign migrants into security vehicles. The raid was witnessed by a Reuters reporter and cameraman.

Mokgoko remembers seeing Rajebo being hauled towards a group of police trucks and immigration vans outside. “He was with the baby. They were pulling him, saying, ‘You’d better give the baby back to the mother because you’re not going with them’.”

Rajebo handed the infant to Mokgoko, who watched her husband disappear into one of the vans.

Acting Gauteng Home Affairs Chief Albert Matsaung told Reuters on the scene that the officials were taking away the undocumented foreigners to be transported back to their home countries.

The 32 migrants were taken to a police station, arrested, fingerprinted and transferred to Lindela immigrants prison, 40km outside the city centre, according to Rajebo and Rashidi Suleiman Abdallah, 32, another Tanzanian who was detained. Their accounts were corroborated by law firm Norton Rose Fulbright and Lawyers for Human Rights, their legal teams, in an ultimately unsuccessful court case to fight their deportation.

On Apr. 10, they were all deported, apart from seven who had escaped in a jail break in March, according to Rajebo, Abdallah and lawyers representing the 32 detainees. Most of the deportees were Tanzanian, with four Malawians.

The Tanzanians landed in Dar es Salaam. They were detained until families could pay a fine to the Tanzanian authorities of 57,000 shillings ($22), levied against nationals returning after being deported. Rajebo got out after a week, when his relatives cobbled the money together.

The Tanzanian immigration department didn’t respond to requests for comment on the return of the deportees.

Rajebo told Reuters by phone on Apr. 22 that if he wants to see his wife and children again, he has no choice but to return. Bringing them to Tanzania is not viable because of the lack of economic opportunities, he said, even though he thinks they would be far more welcome than he was in his wife’s homeland.

“I’m gonna come back,” Rajebo said. “I want a normal family. I don’t want to be separated from them.”

Even with the hostility he encountered in South Africa, he added, it is still preferable to the grinding poverty of home. South Africa’s annual economic output per person is $5,970, versus $1,220 in Tanzania, according to IMF data.

“You go there, you can make some money,” Rajebo said, chuckling softly. “That’s why we keep going.”

Reuters

If you want to attract – and retain – younger workers, pay attention to their values.  

Fifty percent of Gen Zers and 43 percent of Millennials say they've rejected an assignment "based on their personal ethics or beliefs," according to Deloitte's 2024 Gen Z and Millennial Survey of 22,841 respondents from across the globe. That's up from 44 percent and 37 percent, respectively, in last year's survey. 

Forty-four percent of surveyed Gen Zers and 40 percent of Millennials say they've even rejected a job offer due to their ethics or beliefs – also up from last year.  

Purpose has long been a priority for younger workers – and, for the most part, employers are meeting expectations on that front: 81 percent of Gen Zers and 82 percent of Millennials say that their "current job does give them a sense of purpose." Approximately 7 in 10 in both generations say their employers' values "align with their own."  

But, when there is a mismatch, employees are now more likely to act on it. For instance, last year's survey found that factors like "negative environmental impact" or "contributing to inequality through non-inclusive practices" could lead to these kinds of rejections from young employees.  

Thus, the Deloitte report includes, it's important for organizations "to not only set and communicate a clear purpose, but to actively listen and respond to its people to ensure employer and employee values remain aligned."  

When and if an employee rejects an assignment that they say doesn't align with their values, how leaders handle the situation matters. Employees who "experienced a negative outcome when they rejected an assignment" were less likely to say that they planned to stay at the organization for more than five years than employees whose employers "reacted affirmatively" – demonstrating the potential impact on retention.  

The latter approach, according to the report, will therefore "likely foster a workforce which is more engaged, motivated and loyal."  

Inc

In the first quarter (Q1) of 2024, foreign portfolio investment (FPI) outflows from Nigeria skyrocketed by 237% compared to the same period in 2023. Data from the Nigerian Exchange (NGX) research department revealed that foreign portfolio outflows reached N119.81 billion in Q1 2024, a significant increase from the N35.59 billion recorded in Q1 2023. This surge reflects the market's reaction to recent policy changes by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN).

Despite the substantial outflows, foreign portfolio inflows also saw a dramatic rise. In Q1 2024, inflows were N93.37 billion, more than five times the N18.12 billion recorded in Q1 2023. However, this increase in inflows did not offset the outflows, resulting in a net outflow of N26.44 billion for the quarter.

The data indicates a significant imbalance in Nigeria’s equity market, with outflows surpassing inflows, raising concerns about investor confidence and market stability. The overall trend shows foreign investors withdrawing more funds than they are investing in the Nigerian market.

Implications of the Huge Capital Outflow from Nigeria

The substantial increase in foreign portfolio outflows from Nigeria has several critical implications:

1. Investor Confidence and Market Stability: The significant outflows suggest a lack of confidence among foreign investors in the Nigerian market, possibly due to recent CBN policy decisions. This lack of confidence can lead to increased market volatility and instability.

2. Economic Impact: A net outflow of capital can strain the economy, as reduced foreign investment may lead to lower liquidity in the financial markets. This can affect the availability of capital for businesses and potentially slow economic growth.

3. Exchange Rate Pressure: Large outflows can put pressure on Nigeria’s foreign exchange reserves, potentially leading to depreciation of the Naira. This is already the case as the local currency continues to lose value in the last 5 weeks. As the Naira weakens, inflation also quickens, with overall negative impacts on the broader economy.

4. Policy Implications: The CBN may need to reassess its policies to address the concerns driving these outflows. This could involve measures to stabilize the currency, improve market conditions, or offer incentives to retain and attract foreign investment.

5. Long-term Investment Climate: Persistent outflows may harm Nigeria’s reputation as an investment destination. Restoring investor confidence will be crucial to attracting long-term investments necessary for sustainable economic development.

Overall, while the rise in inflows shows some positive investor sentiment, the overwhelming outflows highlight significant challenges that need to be addressed to stabilize the market and improve investor confidence.